世界“粮食危机”对印度粮食安全的影响

2007年的世界“粮食危机”引起了国际社会的广泛关注。印度作为中国的邻国及仅次于中国的世界第二人口大国，其粮食安全保障体系如今面临着巨大的挑战。一旦印度粮食危机爆发，不仅会对正在崛起的印度经济社会发展造成巨大影响，而且会波及周边国家乃至世界。因此，我们应当关注印度粮食安全，并寻找应对之策。     

浅析菲律宾的粮食安全问题

菲律宾作为世界上最大的粮食进口国,除了在20世纪70年代实现了短期的粮食自给甚至略有出口之外,粮食安全问题一直是菲律宾政府面临的突出问题。本文分析菲律宾出现粮食安全问题的原因及应对粮食安全问题所采取的措施,并预测菲律宾粮食生产的前景及其制约因素。     

新冠疫情持续冲击下印度粮食安全危机及其应对策略

2019年底以来暴发的新冠肺炎疫情迅速在全球蔓延,在持续的疫情防控背景下,全球粮食市场一度出现异常波动,并给社会各界带来世界粮食安全的隐忧。对于印度这样的人口大国和粮食出口国来说,新冠疫情在全球的持续扩散将不可避免地冲击着印度粮食安全,尤其是疫情的交通封锁性防控措施对印度粮食生产与贸易流通带来不利影响,导致粮食市场供求关系及其价格波动的不确定性,进而强化了印度粮食安全危机的悲观预期,且在一定程度上加剧全球粮食供求紧张和粮食市场波动升级风险,甚至引发全球粮食市场安全危机。印度作为第一大米出口国和第三大粮食出口国,其特殊的国情使得新冠疫情持续冲击下的粮食安全严峻形势更加值得关注。本文认为印度须保持粮食生产能力建设,保障粮食供求大体平衡;打通粮食流通消费渠道,提高人均粮食供应能力;保障足够粮食储备,并争取国际粮食资源应急;加强对粮食市场的监测预警,提高粮食风险管理水平等方面采取有效措施,应对新冠疫情对粮食安全带来的冲击。     

对加入WTO与中国粮食安全问题的思考

经济全球化决定了我国加入WTO的历史必然性。本文根据WTO农产品协议和中美农业贸易协议 ,立足于中国作为一个发展中大国的客观实际 ,首先阐述了中国粮食生产现状 ,进而分析加入WTO后中国粮食安全所面临的挑战 ,最后探讨中国保证粮食安全的应对方略。     

入世以来印度保证粮食安全的政策措施

在经济改革过程中，印度没有轻易进行农业政策变革。在加入世贸组织时，印度也没有就农业问题做出任何承诺。世贸组织成立后，美国等西方发达国家要求印度开放农产品市场的呼声不断高涨。为使印度农业发展适应世贸组织规则的要求，并保证粮食安全，瓦杰帕伊政府在1998—1999年度财政预算报告中提出，将农业改革放在以增长为目标的预算战略的首位，但直到2000年7月，瓦杰帕伊政府才公布期待已久的国家农业政策，开始对农业政策进行某些改革。为进一步保证粮食安全，2012年，曼·辛格政府明确提出，要把农业发展放在政府工作的首位。目前，印度还制订粮食安全法，使粮食安全得到法律保证。     

加入WTO对中印粮食安全的影响

民以食为天 ,随着全球人口的高速增长 ,粮食安全问题越来越重要。中印同为农业大国 ,又是世界上人口最多的国家 ,粮食安全问题必须高度重视。本文分析了中印粮食安全的现状后 ,阐述了WTO对粮食安全问题的影响。提出了努力增加农业产量 ,提高农产品质量 ,改变粮食流通体制 ,从而改善粮食安全的政策建议。     

世界粮食安全形势与中国

世界粮食安全形势与中国傅梦孜近年来，全球粮食供需形势陡变，保障粮食安全已成为各国特别是发展中国家关注的重大政治、经济和社会课题。我国是一个人口大国，也是粮食生产、消费大国，密切注意世界粮食安全的最新态势，制定因应政策，置粮食供求于可控范围，是实现改革...     

冷战结束后印度的内外政策选择

第一次世界大战以后以美、苏两个超级大国的对立为标志的冷战格局和苏、印之间逐渐发展起来的密切关系对印度国内外政策的制定有着重大的影响。冷战结束和苏联解体以后,印度势必受到冲击,面临着内外政策的选择和调整。印度的内外政策将怎样选择和调整,这是世人所关注的。本文拟就印度在战略态势、不结盟的外交和“社会主义的混合经济体制”这三个带有根本方向性的问题上印度的政策趋向作初步的探讨和分析。     

中国国家粮食安全战略演进及前瞻

粮食安全始终是关系中国国民经济发展、社会稳定和国家安全的全局性战略问题。自新中国成立以来,通过多次粮食战略的调整,已经形成了相对完善的粮食安全保障体系。中国的粮食产量总体上呈现的是波动式增长的趋势,这种增长与中央粮食战略的调整均有一定关系。国家粮食战略经过了20世纪50年代的从互助组到统购统销、60年代的进口粮食缓解粮食危机、70和80年代的家庭联产承包责任制直至21世纪初期至今的从取消农业税到严防死守18亿亩耕地红线这样一个过程。中国粮食安全面临粮农种粮的相对收益较低的结构性矛盾,要解决这一矛盾,必须从国家层面加大投入资本和提高基础设施建设能力,大力推动农业科技创新,努力在提高粮食生产能力上挖掘新潜力,在优化农业结构上开辟新途径,在转变农业发展方式上寻求新突破,在促进农民增收上获得新成效。自2004年以来,中共中央、国务院"一号文件"多次聚焦"三农"问题,始终强调粮食安全的重要性,这凸显了国家在协调粮食政策运转过程中的重要作用及中共中央对粮食安全的高度重视。只有保住"安全口粮和放心粮",才能保证中国到21世纪中叶顺利达到中等发达国家水平。     

埃及应对粮食安全的政策措施浅议

埃及曾是粮食净出口国,一度被誉为“尼罗河粮仓”,但随着其人口的增加以及农村人口大量迁往城市,从19世纪70年代起,埃及开始成为粮食净进口国,且对进口粮食的依赖不断增强.目前,严重的粮食安全问题已经对埃及政府构成了巨大挑战.本文拟从埃及粮食安全问题的现状出发,分析埃及政府应对粮食安全所采取的措施,并对中国的粮食安全问题进行思考.     

The U.S.-Indian Nuclear Agreement: Balancing Energy Needs and Nonproliferation Goals

President Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India signed a statement of intent in 2005 to allow India access to civilian nuclear technology, despite its not being a signatory to the Nonproliferation Treaty. This deal would reverse decades of U.S. nonproliferation policy, since India was the source for much of U.S. law on this count. It would require Congress to amend that law to create special exceptions for India. Rationales and critiques of the proposed deal have focused on its impact on the future exercise of U.S. authority on nonproliferation policy worldwide. But the broader impact may be felt internally, since nonproliferation decisions have been inextricably linked to national security imperatives. In acknowledging an economic justification for allowing India access to nuclear energy, the deal has also created a new dependency between U.S. national security policy and the energy profile of emerging powers.     

Against Food Security: On Forms of Care and Fields of Violence

This article addresses recent changes to the policy landscape on global food security. It argues that a new consensus is emerging on how to tackle (or more hubristically “end”) global hunger and spur agricultural development. The consensus I speak of is evident in recent briefings by the World Economic Forum (especially its “New Vision for Agriculture”), the “New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition”, initiated by the G-8 (now G-7), the Grow Africa network, the US government's “Feed the Future” programme, the philanthropy-led Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa, not to mention the many flagship reports emanating from the international financial institutions as well as key statements from global food retailers and leading agribusinesses. The article argues that this “new vision” for global agriculture is deeply problematic. Indeed, the projected “solutions”—in so far as they aim to radically transform agricultural life, especially in Africa—may well cause more harm than good. To put this argument more forcefully: what today is commonly called “food security” is perhaps better seen as a way of subjugating the poor under the pretence of doing them good.     

印度对南海争端的介入及其影响评估

冷战后,随着国际格局的调整,印度在对外战略上实行了＂东进＂政策,试图通过发展与东南亚国家的经济、军事安全等方面的合作,为其大国理想的实现奠定基础。在＂东进＂政策下,印度逐渐以联合军演、出售武器等方式介入到南海争端中,给本来就复杂的南海争端增添了变数。本文对印度介入南海争端的原因、手段做探索研究,并对其影响做出评估,以期为我国的南海争端对策提供参考。     

Which aid initiatives strengthen food security? Lessons from Uttar Pradesh

This study contributes to existing research on the relative effectiveness of aid initiatives in addressing food insecurity in India. Specifically, it compares the effects of crop, livestock, credit, and WASH interventions implemented by a development NGO with the impacts of a public direct-transfer scheme on food security among communities in Uttar Pradesh. The NGO’s agricultural and WASH interventions and the government’s Antyodaya ration-card scheme appear to have the largest positive influence. Their positive impact can be enhanced by the presence of good governance and by the simultaneous application of several beneficial initiatives.     

Democratic Accountability and Foreign Security Policy: Theory and Evidence from India

Identifying the links between democracy and foreign security policy has proven elusive. This paper engages this research agenda by developing a novel theory of “accountability environments” and exploring it in the case of India. We hypothesize that the varying electoral salience of foreign security policy and the clarity of responsibility for policy outcomes combine to create different accountability environments in which politicians operate. Accountability environments determine the incentives that politicians face for devoting effort to external security issues. We illustrate the argument with evidence from India over time and across issue areas (India, Pakistan, and defense procurement/development). Scholars need to incorporate the complexities and diversity of representation and rule into the study of democratic politics and international relations.     

印度对非洲的软实力外交及经验借鉴

面临着冷战后国际形势的变革,印度的外交观念、外交方式也发生了相应的调整。印度在制定对外政策时愈加重视软实力的作用,这在对非洲关系中得到了明确体现。印度通过实施经济援助、加强教育文化交流、促进与非洲国家的军事合作以及支持非洲在国际体系中的合法权益等方式极大促进了双边关系发展。非洲在中国对外战略中具有重要地位,我国应积极借鉴印度对非洲软实力外交经验以促进中非关系发展。     

India’s “Connect Central Asia” Policy:Elements and Outcomes

Although India is not geographically adjacent to Central Asia,it has made great efforts to formulate its own Central Asia policy.In recent years,India’s“Connect Central Asia”policy(CCAP)has served as the leading concept of India’s policy towards Central Asia.Studying the implementation of CCAP is of great significance for a comprehensive understanding of India’s diplomacy in Central Asia.     

Whither Non-Alignment? Indian Ocean Zone of Peace and New Delhi’s Selective Alignment with Great Powers during the Cold War, 1964–1979

First proposed in 1964 by the Sri Lankan prime minister, the Indian Ocean Zone of Peace [IOZP] entailed eradication of foreign military bases from the Indian Ocean region as well its denuclearisation. During the Cold War, India was one of the most vehement supporters of IOZP. If some saw India’s interests in the IOZP as another manifestation of Nehruvian idealism, others viewed it as a part of its non-aligned foreign policy. This analysis argues otherwise. India’s record on IOZP reveals a policy of selective alignment with Great Powers and its adaptation to the principles of power politics in international relations. India’s support for the presence of one or the other Great Powers in the Indian Ocean region found premise on balancing those it considered hostile to its national security interests. In public, India supported the call for IOZP as dictated by its non-aligned foreign policy; privately, New Delhi remained highly sceptical and often worked to IZOP’s detriment. Under the cloak of IOZP, India not only pursued diplomatic alignment with Great Powers but also ensured that its own regional ambitions remain unchecked. In this picture, India’s role was not only supportive of the Cold War but to the extent it could use the opportunities provided by superpower rivalry in the region to further its own ends, even determinative of the process.     

世界粮食危机与中国粮食安全

世界粮食危机预示着高粮价时代的到来,各国开始重新审视自己的粮食安全。全球人口膨胀和消费需求不断增加打破了供需之间的平衡,而美国推行的生物燃料政策和美元霸权进一步加剧了这种不平衡。因此,美国要为世界粮食危机的加剧负主要责任,但美国同时也是世界粮食危机的最大受益者,国际粮价的高涨体现了美国粮食武器的威力。面对形势严重的世界粮食危机,中国应该保证自给自足,高度重视粮食安全,力保粮食主权,实现经济和社会的可持续发展。