野田政权对日美同盟关系的强化

日美同盟关系对日本政治与外交具有决定性的影响力。野田政权以重塑日美关系为支撑,改善同大国和周边国家关系,调整民主党的战略,谋求日本政治稳定的动向尤其显著。在政权面临再交替挑战的微妙时期,日美关系的调试承载着美日多方面的诉求。野田政权与奥巴马政权以四大课题为核心,对日美关系进行战略性安排、策略性地修复,其实质在于解决或跨越难题达成双赢,稳定和强化政治支持谋求长期政权。     

“前原外交”与中日关系

前外相前原诚司在位时期的日本对华外交使得新世纪好不容易处于“暖春”状态的中 日关系再次跌入低谷。“前原外交”的背后有复杂的原因，它与前原诚司的政治经历、政治作风、对 华政见及个人野望有关，与日本国内政治需要以及民主党外交经验的缺乏有关，与日本民族主义 情绪及日本右翼对此的不断鼓吹有关，与鸠山内阁留下的政治外交的“负面遗产”有关，与日本民 主党一直所持的对华“军事担忧”有关。“前原外交”使中日关系紧张和消极的同时，还产生了其他 的重要影响。     

日本安倍内阁的外交走向

安倍内阁提出“有主张的外交”的新理念后,日本积极改善与周边国家关系,出台“亚洲通道计划”、“自由与繁荣之弧”、“价值观联盟”等一系列新举措。然而,这并非日本改变其以日美同盟为主的外交基轴,而仅仅是日美同盟战略框架内的政策调整。日本对欧、对俄的基本外交政策也不会改变,争取“入常”仍将是今后日本外交的重点。     

安倍2.0时代的日本外交

中日关系因日本野田内阁对钓鱼岛“国有化”而陷入僵局.具有强烈保守理念的安倍上台后,不仅没有积极谋求改善中日关系,反而对华采取更强硬政策.安倍以使日本“摆脱战后体制”为己任,以修宪强兵为目标,其外交路线乃是服务其政治追求.安倍力推联美遏华战略,同时积极致力于建设强权国家,中日关系正被其推向对抗状态.     

日本在“东亚共同体”建设中面临的困境

“东亚共同体”构想是一度作为东亚经济牵引车的日本酝酿已久的重大经济外交方针，但这一构想却因在现实中面临着诸多困境而在实践中举步维艰。日本亚洲认同意识的摇摆不定、东亚地区政治安全机制的匮乏、对美优先的经济政策方针和东亚区域经济结构性障等都成为束缚日本推动“东亚共同体”构想的重要羁绊，束缚着日本“东亚共同体”建设的实践。     

世纪之交日本安全和外交政策

日本安全和外交政策的特点是:着力加强日美安全合作;积极介入朝鲜半岛事务;加快扩军步伐,突出防卫的“自立性”;逐步推动日元国际化。目前日本国内新民族主义的抬头及国际上新干涉主义的蔓延都对日本安全和外交政策产生影响。今后日本为加速实现其政治大国目标,会进一步扩大军事实力,加紧制订“有事法制”,外交上将更多显示自己的独特性,加强对亚洲事务的政治干预,在多边外交活动中谋求发挥更大作用。     

鸠山政府外交政策分析

9月16日，以日本民主党党首鸠山由纪夫领导的新内阁成立。新内阁由来自民主党、社民党和国民新党的17名阁僚组成。新内阁是“建设紧密而对等的日美同盟关系”还是坚持“亲善”的外交战略？是真心“回归亚洲”，还是要走“日本的新道路”？中日两国是“臣服”关系，还是平等互惠关系？探讨日本外交政策，有利于我们认识日本新政权的外交走向，恰当估价日本的外交政策，制定相应的对策。     

日本政局变动及其内政、外交政策的走向

2009年8月，民主党以压倒性的优势获得执政权力，众议院选举后的日本政治结构也发生了变化。自民党惨败的原因既有经济全球化、政治多极化等自外向内地从多个方面推进了日本国内变革的因素，也有自民党自身政策僵化、理念陈旧、应对失误、制度疲劳、政治世袭、腐败严重等原因。民主党执政后急需处理的内政问题有：能否兑现承诺、巩固政权基础；妥善处理与自民党的关系；提高自身政策制定能力并处理好与文官系统的关系以及解决虚假政治献金等问题。其对外政策主要为：“友爱”的政治外交理念；对美、对亚并重，回归重视和保持平衡的日本外交传统；重视对亚洲与对华外交。     

日本野田政府在钓鱼岛问题上的立场与举措

今年9月，日本实施钓鱼岛“国有化”政策遭到中国的强烈反对，中国采取公布钓鱼岛领海基线、常态化巡航等反制措施。对此，日本野田政府在坚持所谓“不存在争议”的立场基础上，断章取义地列举所谓“历史事实”以充实论据，主张“领有钓鱼岛”完全符合国际法；针对其“国有化”政策本身进行辩解，重复“国有化”目的在于对中日关系不致造成太大冲击的荒谬逻辑，借机强化海上力量；要求美国重申保护日本并作表态，借机深化日美同盟针对中国一面，积极利用双边、多边场合宣传自身主张，扮演日中关系中的“冷静者”、“受害者”角色。     

“全球南方”视域下的日本对非洲政策

非洲作为“全球南方”重要组成部分，成为日本实现其“政治大国”夙愿的重要依托。日本在战略上，诱拉非洲国家进入其“印太构想”，拓展战略空间；政治上，紧密团结非洲，推动联合国改革；经济上，完善对非经济外交，夯实日非务实合作根基；安全上，优化制度设计，确保非洲供日能源安全；软实力建设方面，注重理念引领和实践，提升日本在非影响力。由于日本对非政策长期以来的外生性、日非合作民间基础薄弱等原因，日本实现对非战略目标的掣肘多。“全球南方”崛起背景下，日本对非政策给中非合作带来的负面影响开始显现。展望未来，日本只有摒弃对“全球南方”的错误认知，才可能使其对非洲的政策调整收获预期的效果。     

Democracy,Deception, and Entry into War

Realists propose that elected leaders that seek war but face a hesitant public may use deception to build public support for war. Leaders may secretly make provocative diplomatic or military moves to push the adversary to attack first, rallying the public behind a war effort seen as defensive, or publicly exaggerate the threat posed by the adversary. This paper develops a liberal institutionalist critique of this theory, positing that elected leaders are deterred from engaging in such deception because democratic political institutions such as political competition, a professionalized military, and the marketplace of ideas increase the likelihood that such moves will be exposed, and once exposed, deceptive politicians will suffer domestic political punishment. The paper examines the thesis that Franklin Roosevelt sought to provoke Germany and Japan to war in 1941, finding little support. It also finds that in general autocratic leaders are more likely than elected leaders to deceive.     

伊斯兰教与21世纪初的印尼政治

１９９９年１０月，印尼举行总统大选，选出了首次由全民选举出来的总统瓦希德，稍后组成新的政府内阁。人们寄希望于瓦希德政府能够平息印尼国内持续了近２年的社会动荡与混乱，能带领印尼各族迈向新世纪。瓦希德本人就是伊斯兰教师联合会主席，其当选又带有相当的伊斯兰宗教背景。在印尼，教界与政界的关系已是如此的紧密，本文将阐述印尼的伊斯兰教及其政治的发展前景。     

Recall referendums in Peruvian municipalities: a political weapon for bad losers or an instrument of accountability?

Between 1997 and 2013, more than 5000 recall referendums were activated against democratically elected authorities from 747 Peruvian municipalities (45.5% of all municipalities). This makes Peru the world's most intensive user of this mechanism of direct democracy which is designed to remove elected authorities from office before the end of their term. What are the reasons for this extensive use of recall referendums in Peru and, more importantly, what consequences do they have in terms of democratic legitimacy and government efficiency? This paper sets out to answer these questions by comparing the Peruvian case against the background of other countries in the Andean region. It proposes an explanation for the intensive activation of recall procedures through the combination of two factors: first, the features of the institutional design of the mechanism, which affect the probability of a successful activation of recall referendums, and second, the degree of institutionalization of political parties, which influences the incentives of political actors to gain power between regular elections.     

Charles de Gaulle: The Warrior as Statesman

Charles de Gaulle is primarily remembered as the leader of “Free France” between 1940 and 1945, as well as for his time as president of the Fourth and Fifth Republics. This article explores some of the sources of his political belief system, using his military writings of the 1920s and 1930s before he became a celebrated politician. It suggests that his political views can only be understood as being influenced by his experiences as a soldier and his reflections thereon in those military writings.     

从文化视角解读乔治·凯南的长电和 X 文章

乔治.凯南是美国著名的"苏联通",也是美国"遏制政策"的提出者。1946 年他向美国发回长电,1947 年又发表 X 论文,分析苏联的思维方式和行为根源,在美国政坛和民众中引起震动。时隔半个多世纪,我们再分析凯南的这两篇文章,仍被他惊人的洞察力和预言所折服。他对苏联的民族性格、苏联外交的行为方式有着深刻理解,他的这一认识正是建立在对俄罗斯( 苏联) 历史文化的深刻认识的基础之上。     

中国语境中的索尔仁尼琴形象——兼论中国的索尔仁尼琴研究

在中国,索尔仁尼琴的形象经历了由负面到正、负两面并存的重大转变,其原因除了中国的文化语境之外,更重要的是源于他的意识形态观和文学理念.他的政治言论、创作中的政治意识以及他所倡导的人性价值和道德诉求等对其形象的嬗变产生了重要影响.     

Populist polarization and the slow death of democracy in Ecuador

This article analyses how the interactions between a strong populist government in Ecuador and a weak, divided, and inefficient internal opposition in a context of weak liberal institutions could lead to what Guillermo O'Donnell termed “the slow death of democracy”. Rafael Correa was elected with a substantive project of democratization understood as economic redistribution and social justice. His administration got rid of neoliberal policies and decaying traditional political parties, while simultaneously co-opting social movements, regulating civil society, and colonizing the public sphere. Because the judiciary was subordinated to Correa, social movement activists, journalists, and media owners could not use the legal system to resist Correa's crack down of civil society and regulation of the privately owned media. They took their grievances to supranational organizations like the Organization of American States. When these organizations stepped in to challenge Correa, his government denounced imperialist intervention in his nation's internal affairs, and advocated for the creation of new supranational institutions without US presence.     

Taiwan's Presidential and Legislative Elections

Taiwan's newly-elected president, Ma Ying-jeou, is determined to relax the tension that has gripped the Taiwan Strait for more than a decade. His positions during the election campaign were calculated to reassure both the Beijing government and the Taiwanese people. On the one hand, he made it clear that he would remove barriers to improved relations and reach out to the Chinese leadership. At the same time, he was equally clear in his commitment to protecting Taiwan's interests. Ma's positions strike a balance between preserving Taiwan's de facto political independence and moving toward a more constructive relationship with the mainland. This approach enjoys widespread popular support in Taiwan. Still, the devil is in the details, and implementing Ma's ideas will require cooperation from Beijing, and from other political actors within Taiwan itself.     

Violence in Lenin's thought and practice: The spark and the conflagration

Drawing on Lenin's writings, the commentary of Soviet specialists, and the work of those who focus on the special character of violence, this article discusses Lenin's views on violence over his lifetime, his distinction among different types of violence, his policies and their results, and finally the doubts about his practices that he ultimately expressed near the end of his life. Beginning in the tsarist era with Lenin's campaign among his fellow revolutionaries to reject individual terror in favor of mass violence, it follows him into power as he put his tenets into practice and finally into his introspective retirement. It discusses how, oblivious to developing danger he unleashed mass violence and prodded it to action in the service of the revolutionary state; why he refused to incorporate safeguards against runaway violence; and how, as its deleterious effects became manifest, he continued to employ violence as both instrument of choice and substitute for legitimate authority. It shows that Lenin evinced an addiction to violence that caused him to overlook or foreclose other, less radical, political methods for accomplishing his goals. We see that Lenin's evident belief in the efficacy and controllability of violence blinded him to its potentially counterproductive and even disastrous effects. The state that resulted from Lenin's policies was not what he had envisaged, and not the result of a preconceived plan. But equally it did not emerge as the simple product of ineluctable circumstances defeating a hapless Lenin. Lenin made a series of policy choices ‐ none foreordained by circumstance ‐ which yielded an authoritarian state grounded in violence. These choices were explicitly contested by prominent contemporaries within and outside of the Bolshevik government, who correctly and vocally predicted the results which were becoming clearly visible during Lenin's tenure. Lenin chose to ignore the results, reject the alternatives and silence the critics, decisions he himself came to regret.     

Motivation and Intervention in the Northern Ireland Peace Process: An Interview with President Bill Clinton

The role of former U.S. President William Jefferson Clinton in the Northern Ireland peace process has been acknowledged as an example of political risk‐taking and leadership driven by political interests and strategic post–Cold War aims. The tendency to examine Clinton's role from the perspective of international and global policy objectives, however, has obscured consideration of his motivational role in the Northern Ireland peace process and of how he moved between encouragement and intervention to help the political parties reach a settlement. This article, which is drawn from an extended interview conducted with Clinton in 2017, seeks to paint a more comprehensive picture of Clinton's participation in the peace process, showing how his combination of motivational and interventional skills enabled him to help convince others of the need to take risks for peace and gave him greater influence and leverage over the peace process as a result.