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Sarah Hartley Grace Skogstad 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2005,48(3):305-327
Abstract: This article examines the alternate use of models of representative, functional and citizen‐centred participatory democracy in the formulation of policies to regulate the risks of genetically modified crops and foods in the United Kingdom and Canada. It demonstrates that representative, functional and participatory democracy have all played a role in the United Kingdom; functional democracy has been ascendant in Canada, with representative democracy playing a secondary role. These cross‐national differences derive from the greater imperative for regulatory legitimacy in the U.K., and the Canadian pre‐occupation with regulatory effectiveness. The result is a more transparent U.K. regulatory framework that provides representation of a broader range of public values and concerns than in Canada. Sommaire: Cet article examine les différentes utilisations de modèles de démocratie représentative, fonctionnelle et axée sur les citoyens dans la formulation de politiques destinées à réglementer les risques associés aux cultures et aliments génétiquement modifiés au Royaume‐Uni et au Canada. Il démontre que les démocraties représentatives, fonctionnelles et participatives ont toutes joué un rôle au Royaume‐Uni; la démocratie fonctionnelle a dominé au Canada, tandis que la démocratie représentative y a joué un rôle secondaire. Ces différences transnationales proviennent du plus grand impératif de légitimité de la réglementation au R.‐U., et de la préoccupation canadienne de l'efficacité de la réglementation. Le résultat est un cadre de réglementation plus transparent au R.‐U. qui représente un plus vaste éventail de valeurs et de préoccupations publiques qu'au Canada. 相似文献
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Sarah Whitmore 《欧亚研究》2010,62(6):999-1025
Conceptualising Russia as a neopatrimonial state directs attention to the patrimonial relations that pervaded formal institutions to reveal increasing tensions within the state during Putin's presidency. A case study of parliamentary oversight practices points to the emergence of legitimation as their key purpose, but also to the growing contradictions between the controlling and legitimating impulses of Putin's regime. At the same time deputies responded to the changes in their status and influence by moving their resources towards the patrimonial sphere, most notably utilising oversight institutions for direct and indirect private interests—activities tolerated by the regime in exchange for political loyalty. 相似文献
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During the 1960s, the US government entered into an agreementwith the UK government to construct a military facility in theChagos Archipelago. The UK government excised the Archipelagofrom the colony of Mauritius and created the British IndianOcean Territory (BIOT). Diego Garcia was transferred to theUnited States and the indigenous people of the entire Archipelagowere secretly banished. This process led to their chronic impoverishment.In the Bancoult cases, the English courts held the exile tobe unlawful and that the Chagossian people possess a publiclaw right of abode in the Chagos Islands. This article examineswhether international law can facilitate the resettlement tothe Chagos Islands via recognition of BIOT's non-self-governingstatus. It also explores the prospect of securing compensationfor the loss of ancestral lands by reference to existing andevolving international standards on indigenous rights. 相似文献
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The principal aim of our study is to contribute to the debate over whether regulation is enacted in the interest of consumers, producers, political agents, or some combination of these. We examine the legislative debates and subsequent regulatory bills surrounding road transportation regulation in Ireland in light of the three dominant theories which purport to explain the existence of regulation: the public interest theory and the so-called Chicago and Virginia theories. A unique feature of our study is an attempt to integrate specific rhetorical concepts used in the public policy debates into the theoretical analysis of regulation. One noteworthy conclusion of our study is that theories of economic processes affect the shaping and results of public policy. 相似文献
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Allen H. Barton 《Scandinavian political studies》1998,21(1):71-85
In 1948–49 the Sociology Office of the University of Oslo, under the guidance of Prof. Paul Lazarsfeld of Columbia University, initiated a series of studies on the Norwegian economic planning system. Part of this Planning Project was a national election survey in the fall of 1949, on a modified probability sample of 2600 people. The results show the paramount influence of economic class on voting, interpreting class as a combination of employer/employee relationship, property ownership, prestige-status, and income. Indicators of the homogeneity of class environment also played a role. Given the occupational structure of Norway, the Labor party had to win over part of the non-working-class population to obtain control of the government. They did this by winning about 1/3 of the white-collar vote, and about 1/4 of the farmers and fishermen. The policies of economic stabilization - control of inflation through price controls, wage controls, food subsidies, and rationing, and maintenance of full employment under conditions of "suppressed inflation" - were crucial to winning over these white-collar and farm voters. 相似文献