Abstract An important aspect of Indian women's political participation in the nationalist struggle against colonial rule was their imprisonment and confinement within the walls of the prison. To counter the difficulty and monotony of their prison existence, women developed strong solidarity networks which not only helped them to adjust to the temporary upheaval in their lives but also resulted in their becoming strong and determined individuals with a nationalist consciousness. These women resisted colonial rule through imprisonment and activities in the jail (such as writing poetry) just as they did through nationalist activities within the domestic sphere (such as spinning and weaving). The jail became a site where identities were continuously shaped and restructured. Feelings of pride, resentment, honour and humiliation were all experienced by women prisoners and were continuously sharpened. Women's entry into male dominated spaces dispelled the British stereotypes about Indian women as subordinate, weak and docile. Women were also aware that by endangering their womanhood on the streets and putting their bodies under risk of attack, they proved that they could share common experiences with their fellow men in the public sphere. 相似文献
Scholars have recently debated whether non-recognition is a blessing or a curse for democracy. Some suggest that lack of recognition forces political elites to democratize and acquire internal legitimacy to compensate for the lack of external legitimacy. Others suggest that democratization is used as a strategy by which to acquire international recognition. Still others claim that non-recognition obliges unrecognized states to rely on a patron state which, in turn, hinders the quality of democracy. To contribute to this discussion, we have conducted an in-depth case study. Focusing on democratic quality in Northern Cyprus from 2010 to 2016, it is observed that reliance on a patron state leads to dynamics of tutelage, in turn hindering the quality of democracy. 相似文献
The Journal of Technology Transfer - One aspect of Science Parks development that has come into focus is the attraction of talent, which could include attracting specific expertise, making it... 相似文献
Exposure to different kinds of traumatic events is common among adolescents. This brief report study examined whether shame proneness and guilt proneness were associated with direct and indirect experience of potentially traumatic events (PTEs). We investigated the relationship between gender, PTEs, shame, and guilt among adolescents (n?=?314, age?=?15–20 years). We hypothesized that shame proneness and guilt proneness would be associated with direct experience of interpersonal and sexual PTEs, that both direct and indirect experience of potentially traumatic sexual event/s would correlate with female gender, and that potentially traumatic direct and indirect interpersonal event/s would correlate with male gender. Shame was positively associated with having experienced direct sexual trauma and with female gender. Girls had more often experienced potentially traumatic direct sexual events and boys had more often experienced potentially traumatic direct interpersonal events. Indirect experiences of traumatic events were not related to either gender or shame. We conclude that the relation between shame, PTEs, and gender is complex with both types of traumas and gender interact with shame. This study found that shame and direct experience of sexual traumatic events were associated among adolescent girls. Gender and what type of traumatic events adolescents’ direct experience is most likely related but not gender and what type of indirect experienced trauma.
Throes. Conceived and performed by Doorika. The Vineyard Theater, New York City, October 14, 1994. Visiting Hours. An installation by Bob Flanagan in collaboration with Sherrie Rose. The New Museum of Contemporary Art, New York City, September 23‐December 31, 1994. ‘Aberrant Motion1–4.’ Videos by Cathy Sisler. Available through Groupe Intervention Video, Montreal, Quebec, H2T 1S6. Phone (514) 271–5506; Fax (514) 271–6980. Converging Realities: Feminism in Australian Theatre by Peta Tait. Currency Press, Sydney, in conjunction with Artmoves, Melbourne, Australia, 1994. Released in the United States by Cambridge University Press, 1994. 相似文献
§ 197 Abs 1 KO hat gegenüber § 156 KO Vorrang und schr?nkt den Anspruch des Gl?ubigers, der seine Forderung im Konkurs nicht
angemeldet hat, auf die Quote ein: Der Gl?ubiger hat nur insoweit Anspruch auf die nach dem Zahlungsplan zu zahlende Quote,
als dies der Einkommens- und Verm?genslage des Schuldners entspricht. Die Voraussetzungen des § 197 Abs 1 KO sind nicht nur
über Antrag im Verfahren nach § 197 Abs 2 KO vom Konkursgericht, sondern auch im Oppositionsverfahren zu prüfen. Die Abh?ngigkeit
der Quotenforderung von der Einkommens- und Verm?genslage des Schuldners ist die Rechtsfolge der Nichtanmeldung der Forderung
und unabh?ngig von einer vorhergehenden Beschlussfassung nach § 197 Abs 2 KO. Das Nichtwiederaufleben der Forderung nach §
197 Abs 1 KO iVm § 156 KO kann vom Schuldner mit Oppositionsklage geltend gemacht werden. 相似文献
Die Rückforderung bereits entstandener Provisionen durch den Unternehmer ist nach der relativ zwingenden Beweislastregel des
§ 9 Abs 3 HVertrG dem echten Untervertreter gegenüber nur zul?ssig, wenn der Unternehmer (Hauptvertreter) nachweist, dass
die Nichtausführung des Gesch?fts (zB Zahlungsverzug des Kunden; Stornogrund) nicht der Sph?re der Produktgesellschaft zuzurechnen
ist. Eine Rückforderung ist insoweit ausgeschlossen, als der Unternehmer selbst die Provision aus dem entsprechenden Gesch?ft
nicht an seine Partnergesellschaft zurückgezahlt hat. Vor Entstehen des Provisionsanspruchs handelt es sich bei Provisionsbuchungen
um echte Vorschüsse, die im Fall einer Vereinbarung mit negativen Salden aus der Provisionsabrechnung gegenverrechnet werden
dürfen. 相似文献
The emergence of Forza Italia should not be exclusively reduced to specific Italian conditions. This article attempts to explain the development and establishment of Forza Italia as part of a general change of politics in a modern, highly media‐oriented western society. The type of party represented by Forza Italia can be defined as a ‘media‐mediated personality‐party’. With regard to its structural organisation, it presents itself as an answer to tendencies of differentiation, individualisation and consumerisation in modern society. The leading organisational principle is not inner‐party democracy but inter‐party capability to compete. This model of organisation is seen as functional for a marketing‐based, media‐orientated political strategy. It represents a challenge for the type of democratic, mass‐membership party in western Europe. The 1996 elections in Italy, however, have also pointed out the limits of the model of the media‐mediated personality‐party. 相似文献