Fatal intoxication due to tramadol alone: case report and review of the literature

Poisoning may also lead to both coma and multiple organ failure, also in youngsters without a known major medical history. As not all toxic agents are routinely screened when a poisoning is suspected, it is useful to consider less frequently encountered poisons in certain cases. We describe the occurrence of asystole and multiple organ failure which occurred in a young man after a suspected tramadol overdose. The tramadol concentration on admission in the ICU was indeed 8 microg/ml (mg/l), far above the therapeutic range. Subsequently, the patient developed severe acute liver failure, finally leading to death. Post-mortem toxicology did not reveal any other poison responsible for this unfavourable course as only very high serum and tissue tramadol and desmethyltramadol concentrations were found. Only a few fatal poisonings attributable to tramadol alone, as observed in our case, have been reported. An overview of these cases is presented.     

Armed Conflicts,Images of Law and Legal Semiotics

International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique -     

Die Alpenkonvention – Inhalt und Konsequenzen für das nationale Umweltrecht

Bereits seit 1991 existiert das übereinkommen zum Schutz der Alpen (Alpenkonvention, AK). Allerdings sind erst Ende 2002 die acht Durchführungsprotokolle zur AK und ein Zusatzprotokoll über die Streitbeilegung in Kraft getreten, weil drei Vertragsstaaten, darunter Deutschland, diese ratifiziert haben. In der Rahmenkonvention verpflichten sich die Vertragsparteien, „unter Beachtung des Vorsorge-, des Verursacher- und des Kooperationsprinzips eine ganzheitliche Politik zur Erhaltung und zum Schutz der Alpen unter ausgewogener Berücksichtigung der Interessen aller Alpenstaaten, ihrer alpinen Regionen sowie der Europ?ischen Union unter umsichtiger und nachhaltiger Nutzung der Ressourcen“ sicherzustellen (Art. 2 Abs. 1 AK). Nun geht es darum, die AK und ihre Protokolle umzusetzen, d.h. auf der Ebene des V?lkerrechts, aber auch auf nationaler Ebene durch Anpassung der nationalen Rechtsvorschriften sowie durch Anwendung und Auslegung der Konvention seitens der nationalen Beh?rden und Gerichte zu verwirklichen. Der nachfolgende Beitrag liefert einen überblick über Inhalt und Bedeutung der AK und ihrer Protokolle, ordnet die Konvention in das Umweltv?lkerrecht ein und befasst sich mit den Konsequenzen für das innerstaatliche Recht.     

Opposites Do Not Attract: The Impact of Domestic Institutions, Power, and Prior Commitments on Alignment Choices

States that choose to involve themselves in an ongoing dispute do so by choosing to align with or against one of the original disputants. What factors lead states to prefer to help one side over the other? We consider the effect of the disputants' power, political and economic institutional similarities between each disputant and the aligning state, and formal alliance commitments between each disputant and the aligning state on these alignment choices. We evaluate these expectations empirically by examining the alignment choices of states that joined with one side or another in a Militarized Interstate Dispute during the period of 1816 to 1986. The results indicate that regardless of regime type, institutional similarities matter to the aligning state's decision. We also find that power concerns matter only to autocracies; democracies do not seem to base their alignment choices on the power of the sides in the dispute. Finally, the evidence indicates that the alignment choices of democracies cannot be anticipated by their prior alliance commitments, although the alignment choices of autocracies can. These results suggest interesting implications for research on the democratic peace, the determinants of threat in the international system, and the impact of selection effects. The consistent empirical evidence that institutional similarity affects alignment decisions also increases our confidence that future investigations of institutional similarity generally, rather than an exclusive focus on joint democracy, will prove fruitful.     

Yet another coup d'État in Germany? Schröder's vote of confidence and parliamentary government in Germany

According to some political commentators Gerhard Schröder's decision in May 2005 to use a ‘false’ vote of confidence in order to have the Bundestag dissolved was nothing less than a coup d'état. From this vantage point an incumbent chancellor had put party interests above crucial aspects of the Basic Law. The debate ensuing Schröder's decision is, thus, to be understood as a variation of a controversy about the legitimate power of parties in the political system, i.e. about the essence of the parliamentary form of government in Germany. In order to bring these issues to the fore the article first describes the chronology of events triggered by Gerhard Schröder's (and Franz Müntefering's) announcements on 22 May 2005. It then examines the five motions for a vote of confidence that have been brought to the floor of the Bundestag since 1949. Finally, it discusses the question of whether the Bundestag should receive the constitutional right to dissolve itself. Overall the analysis supports the view that the vote of confidence has been totally subsumed under the logic of parliamentary government in Germany.