Toward a methodology for the comparative study of political corruption

Robust explanations of political corruption demand that research progresses beyond purely theoretical analyses and single case studies. In this article, we highlight problems of definition, operationalization and measurement of corruption that have restricted the number of truly comparative, empirical studies of the phenomenon. We suggest a few steps that might help researchers overcome methodological obstacles in their study of corruption. We introduce and evaluate one example of how the phenomenon might be comparatively operationalized and measured. While not beyond criticism, the corruption index we present will undoubtedly help light new avenues toward more comprehensive explanations of comparative political corruption. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

HUNTER‐GATHERER COLLABORATIVE PRACTICE

This article describes the development of a practice group based on a hunter‐gatherer model, with the mission of providing high quality collaborative divorce services, with an emphasis on protecting children and divorcing partners, and expanding access to middle‐ and lower‐income families. The practice group professional disciplines include law, mental health divorce coaching, co‐parent coaching, financial analysis, and case administration. These professionals have collectively associated their individual practices to address challenges facing their collaborative practices. With common purpose, the practice group builds skills, generates client base, nurtures trust, and lays a common knowledge base. Collaborative divorce teams formed from its members serve divorcing families with efficient, cost‐conscious, interest‐based negotiation processes that protect children and help parties productively move on with their lives.     

Federalism and Compounded Representation: Key Concepts and Project Overview

Interested in bringing together federalism and political representationas two distinct areas of research in comparative politics, thisedition of Publius: The Journal of Federalism introduces a collaborativeresearch project that raised questions about the impact of institutionalarrangements on strategies for political representation. Definitionsof the project's two key concepts of federalism and compoundedrepresentation are briefly addressed initially. Summaries arepresented of how these two concepts are empirically appliedin the studies by the five scholars presented in this volume.     

End of moderation: the radicalization of AKP in Turkey

Turkey’s Justice and Development Party, AKP, was for many years believed to be paramount in ushering in a new era of moderate Islamism. However, in recent years, AKP has troublingly reversed course. From violent repression of the Gezi protests of 2013 to the 2016 abortive coup and subsequent crackdown on opposition, the party has lost all semblance of moderate Islamism and radicalized. If AKP had truly moderated, how could the party have changed in such a short period of time? What explains the radicalization of AKP? First, we argue that the strategic benefits of moderation far outweighed its costs, rendering it analytically improbable to determine whether AKP’s actions were genuine or merely strategic. Second, we show that AKP has been in a process of radicalization characterized by the adoption of anti-system, anti-democratic, and violent tactics and rhetoric since 2011. The disappearance of domestic and international structural constraints created the requisite background conditions for the party’s radicalization. Radicalization was facilitated by what we call ‘Erdoganization’, an ongoing de-institutionalization process within which Tayyip Erdogan gained complete control over the party. Additionally, a series of four “external shocks” threatened the party’s primary goal of gaining hegemony and caused the party to radicalize.     

Economics,democracy, and Spanish elections

The argument is advanced that economic conditions have played an important role in Spanish elections but, until recently, one secondary to the establishment of democracy itself. First, the Spanish economy's development at the time of these elections and the Spanish public's response to it are considered. Next, Spain's three national elections and significant economic policy activities and conditions are analyzed. Unemployment is then considered as the central economic influence on recent Spanish elections. Finally, Spain's politics of consensus is presented as an explanation for the initial lack of influence of economic conditions on elections.