对中国外交学课程教学创新建设的思考——《外交学概论》课程教学创新

新世纪的中国外交学学科建设,正朝着完善中国特色的学科体系、深化学科独立性的方向发展,其课程教学体系也进行着与之相适应的改革与创新。《外交学概论》是外交学学科最为基础与重要的课程之一,其教学内容与方法的创新建设直接反映外交学课程教学建设与发展的趋势。本文试从新世纪中国外交学学科及其课程教学创新建设的高度,结合自身教学实践,分别提出了《外交学概论》课程教学创新的三个方面建设,即教学内容的体系整合、教学手段的多样实践与培养目标的多元定位。     

Transgovernmental networks and rationalist outputs? The partial social construction of EU foreign policy

ABSTRACT

The European Union (EU) foreign policy has gone beyond intergovernmentalism. It is largely formulated by (Brussels-based) national officials, in a process characterised by a high number of cooperative practices, diffuse sentiments of group loyalty and possibly argumentative procedures. Yet, in many cases, the most likely output of this process reflects the lowest common denominator of states’ positions or the preferences of the biggest states. The article intends to investigate this puzzle. In the first part, it corroborates its existence by using answers from an original database of 138 questionnaires and 37 interviews with EU negotiators. Next, it argues that cooperative practices remain often subordinated to nationally oriented ways of doing things. Consequentialist practices perform an anchoring function, in that they define the parameters around which (social) practices operate. The last section looks more closely at the sites of and meanings attached to EU foreign policy-making. By discussing national diplomats’ conspicuous leeway in Brussels, it also argues that negotiating practices are performed through a mix of partial agency and persistence of national dispositions. On the whole, changing practices is difficult, even in dense and largely autonomous settings such as EU foreign policy. The social construction of EU foreign policy occurs only to a partial extent.     

默克尔政府对华外交政策分析

默克尔自上台以来领导的"黑红"大联合政府,给不平凡的德中关系画上了浓墨重彩的一笔。这位在德国政坛上已活跃了两个任期,即将迎来她第三个四年任期的德国"铁娘子",使德中关系变得举世瞩目。默克尔政府在对华政策上采取为实现自身利益最大化的"人权问题"与"经济利益"双管齐下的方针,使中德两国关系一度紧张。然而,随着形势的发展,两国建立了全面战略伙伴关系。在这个过程中,中德双方不论在哪些方面打交道,默克尔政府对华政策都呈现出其独特的一面。     

战后日本国家战略演进及岸田内阁战略走向

二战后日本不得不放弃武力扩张的国家战略,但伴随形势变化,日本不同当政者的治国方略则不相同。围绕是维护宪法、优先发展经济、重视国际协调,还是修改宪法、增强军事力量、成为政治军事大国等,存在两种不同国家战略倾向。其背后则是两种不同的历史观。战后,日本在《日本国宪法》下走和平发展道路,经济、科技取得令世界瞩目的成就,但外交则受制于美国而缺乏自主性。日本成为经济大国后,开始借助美国,努力成为亚洲领导国家和联合国常任理事国,而非所谓摆脱美国的"正常国家"。21世纪以来,安倍晋三的国家战略目标是对内推动修宪,使日本成为"能战国家";对外构筑"自由开放的印太",制衡中国。菅义伟内阁继承了安倍的国家战略。岸田文雄执政后在延续同一国家战略的同时,会展现何种特色,值得关注。     

新加坡的军事外交及启示

军事外交是新加坡维护国家安全的重要手段。新加坡希望通过有效的军事外交,提高新加坡军队的威慑力和影响力。新加坡军事外交内容丰富,主要有参与海外军事行动、联合军事演习和训练、强化与大国的军事关系等。总体来看,军事外交起到了维护新加坡国家安全的作用。其中一些做法对中国军事外交的开展有一定的启示作用。     

Korea's technological development

Abstract

Indigenous peoples’ rights, including the right to self-determination, are increasingly codified in international law and policy and disseminated globally by international organizations. These norms mark a profound change in the ideals of citizenship promoted by the international community, away from linguistically and institutionally homogenous citizenship in centralized states to group-differentiated citizenship in decentralized, multi-level and multi-lingual states that use local and regional autonomy for the accommodation of indigenous peoples. Essential to realizing these norms is the devolution of some degree of autonomy to sub-central state units substantially controlled by indigenous communities. Because the transfer of powers to indigenous peoples is crucial to their accommodation, protection and participation in modern states, and because decentralization programs are an important component of reform agendas in most developing countries, it is important to understand how these emerging norms are integrated into real-world decentralization processes.

This article analyzes the application of the World Bank's safeguards policy for indigenous peoples within the institution's support to decentralization reform in Cambodia. The analysis demonstrates that under certain circumstances, the policy not only fails to translate into effective protection but leads to outcomes diametrically opposed to its objectives. In its current design, Bank support to decentralization contributes to the marginalization of indigenous peoples in Cambodia and undermines the institutional, cultural and natural resources upon which their empowerment and participation depends. In environments in which full compliance might be unrealistic to accomplish by individual projects, safeguard obligations lead to a strategy on the part of Bank projects of avoiding geographical and policy areas that are likely to trigger the safeguards policy, in order to reduce projects’ vulnerability to non-compliance claims. The article discusses how more effective application of the safeguards policy might be achieved and how strategies for the empowerment of indigenous peoples can more effectively draw on decentralization frameworks.     

韩国的东南亚外交：目标、手段及其启示

早期韩国外交囿于东北亚区域,但近年来,韩国日益以中等强国的进取姿态,试图超越东北亚外交的局限,向亚洲乃至全球层面扩展影响力。其中,东南亚已上升为韩国外交的战略区域。以经济利益为重心,韩国积极参与地区多边机制,拓展安全合作,提供发展援助,推动环境和文化外交,全面追求其在东南亚的政策目标。韩国外交的这一态势,会对中国在该地区的利益产生一定影响。     

试论原敬对美协调外交思想的原点

原敬强调日本外交之关键在于以本国利权为本 ,对中国友善之时不忘日本国的利益。日本作为后进的资本主义国家 ,其实力更逊于各国 ,远不能和欧洲列强平起平坐 ,日本不仅要审时度势 ,认清中国的国际形势 ,而且更需要协调与欧洲列强在中国的利益关系 ,这样才能确保和扩张日本在中国最大的殖民利益。     

嬗变中的欧亚战略与中国外交取向

自伊拉克战争以来,全球地缘政治格局经历了深刻的变革,尤以欧亚大陆初露端倪的战略合作最为引人注目。跨大西洋的分裂有其深刻的历史背景,而美欧关于价值观和“西方”概念等诸多分歧,也从客观上推动着欧亚大陆的加速整合。这一态势很大程度上推动着中国全球战略观的根本转变,进而塑造了欧亚战略新格局的出现。