唐王朝中央行政体制的构成及其效能分析

在中央行政管理体制上,唐王朝注重中央行政权力的划分与制约,逐渐完善了三省六部制,以行使最高行政决策权、审核权和执行权。同时,为了保证决策和执行系统正常而有序的运作,还设置了专门的行政监察系统。唐王朝中央行政管理体制的构成与中央行政权既相互分立又相互制约的体制运行特点及其效能,对当代中国的行政体制改革具有一定的借鉴价值。     

地方保护主义对中央与地方关系格局的影响

中国改革开放以来地方保护主义产生的原因主要有 :地方分权 ;扭曲的市场和价格体系造成的市场割据 ;不公平竞争强化了“诸侯经济”。对此 ,中央政府采取了一些必要的应对措施 ,如实行分税制 ,推行全方位发展战略等。经济的高速发展离不开地方政府积极的经济行为 ,关键是如何强化这种正面影响 ,削弱负面影响。问题的解决最终要靠制度改革。     

Re-emergence of Asia and the Rise and Fall of the Japanese Economy in Super Long Waves of Capitalist World Systems

ABSTRACT

After the global financial crisis of 2007–2008, we are facing the beginning of the end of the post-war capitalist world system. The 1920s was in the middle of the social, political and economic interregnum, a period of discontinuity in the social order, accompanied by widespread unrest, wars and power vacuums. In this article, that framework of the long and super long waves in the capitalist world systems is used to examine the recent interregnum that marks the re-emergence of Asia. Within the framework of the long and super long waves a new “flying geese” theory is built by incorporating the theory of dynamic industries with Akamatsu’s theory. In the 1980s, Japanese integral production architecture improved quality and productivity in the automobile and electrical machinery industries. In the 1990s, the USA’s open modular production architecture enabled China’s compressed industrialisation, and the China-centric Asian production network replaced the Japan-led Pacific Rim triangular trade regime. In the 2000s, the knowledge-and technology-intensive (KTI) industries have established themselves as the new dynamic industries. The USA is the leading country to develop KTI industries. China is catching up quickly and has leapfrogged Japan in KTI industries. In conclusion, it is argued that these changes mark an approaching second interregnum.     

The five shades of grey: party systems and authoritarian institutions in post-Soviet Central Asian states

ABSTRACT

This article overviews and seeks to explain the processes of party system formation in the post-Soviet Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) by focusing on a crucial party-system property, fragmentation. The analysis reveals that to a much greater extent than in democracies, where party systems are largely shaped by societal factors, the level of party system fragmentation in autocracies is determined by the scope of presidential powers, as entrenched in the formal institutional order and reflected in the national constitution. The level of authoritarianism is largely inconsequential for party system fragmentation, while the role of electoral rules is secondary. Institutionally weak and institutionally strong autocratic presidents have a preference for fragmented party systems, while presidents with an intermediate range of powers seek and obtain low levels of party system fragmentation.     

Governance and order-making in Central Asia: from illiberalism to post-liberalism?

ABSTRACT

This forum brings together five different angles on the question as to whether and how political regimes and forms of order-making can and should be researched through the concept of ‘illiberalism’. The discussion engages critically with this and associated concepts, such as ‘illiberal peace’ and ‘authoritarian conflict management’, which have been developed out of the Central Asian / Eurasian context and discussed in their wider global ramifications and, within the framing of ‘illiberal peace’, explored in various contexts in and beyond Central Asia. While further assessing the relevance and implications of this approach, this forum also attempts to think beyond ‘illiberalism’ by introducing and discussing the idea of ‘post-liberalism’. This way, the authors engage in an exchange that serves to probe both concepts and to determine their strengths and limitations when it comes to analysing and understanding politics and societal processes in Central Asia.     

二战中罗斯福奉行"先欧后亚" 战略之原因探析

二战中罗斯福奉行的"先欧后亚"战略,既是美国全球战略的具体体现,又反映了国际社会主要矛盾的发展,同时中国人民的抗日战争也为该战略的实施提供了良好的条件.     

贯彻落实十七届三中全会精神 推进铜仁地区农村改革发展

党的十七届三中全会,对我国农村改革发展做出了新的部署。我们应乘势而上,认真贯彻落实党的十七届三中全会精神,推进铜仁地区农村改革发展。     

为党为国为民 无私无畏无愧——胡耀邦拨乱反正与拨乱反正中的胡耀邦

"拨乱反正"是改革开放的前提,是中国共产党和中华人民共和国历史进程中的一个重大事件.胡耀邦在这一重大事件中起到了举足轻重的作用.胡耀邦为党为国为民拨乱反正的丰功伟绩和在拨乱反正过程中体现出的无私无畏无愧品格将永载史册.     

The lost 1990s? Personal reflections on a history of participatory technology development

This article traces a history of agricultural participatory research, largely from the author's personal experience. Participatory research in the 1970s was mostly led by disciplinary scientists, and characterised by innovative activities and open academic debate, with some recognition that policy and development practice was a political process. The 1980s saw a shift to learning from past experience, and a participatory mainstream developed, seeking methods for scaling up. Meanwhile, others sought to understand and influence policy and institutional change in their political and cultural contexts, and to keep open the academic debates. The author considers the 1990s as ‘lost years’, during which mainstream participatory practitioners became inward-looking development generalists, not so interested in learning from others outside their paradigm. The late 2000s provide a chance to re-recognise the political and cultural embeddedness of science and technology; re-introduce strong, widely based disciplines; and learn from past activities that resulted in positive development outcomes (planned or unplanned).     

新中华法系的诞生?--从三大法系到东亚共同体法

中华法系曾以其独特性屹立于世界法系之林,虽然它在清末就基本解体了,但它数千年积淀下来的法律传统和观念,对东亚诸国的影响仍是深刻的.近年来,在新的时代背景下,既反映西方法律传统,又符合东亚诸国利益及其历史文化传统的东亚共同体法开始形成.新世纪的东亚共同体法是一种全新的法律体系,不能将其简单地看作中华法系的复兴,它是中华法系死亡之后,在更高层面上的一种再生,在某种意义上,我们可以将其称为新中华法系.