郑和--中国和平外交的先行者

开展和平外交,是郑和下西洋最主要的目的和活动.郑和船队尊重各地习俗,礼待各国统治者和人民,积极进行文化交流,开展平等贸易,促进了中国与各国间友好关系的建立.郑和下西洋忠实地执行了明王朝睦邻友好的外交政策,谱写了中国与亚非各国和平友好关系的新篇章,使中外经济文化交流达到前所未有的鼎盛局面.     

东南亚国家的汇率制度改革与变迁研究

自布雷顿森林货币体系瓦解至今,东南亚国家的汇率制度经历了五个阶段的改革与变迁.在旧汇率制度下,东南亚国家的名义汇率与实际有效汇率有其显著的特点.1997年金融危机爆发之后,东南亚国家都放弃了原有的"软性"钉住美元的汇率制度,采纳了有管理的或独立的浮动汇率制度.新的汇率制度表现出程度不同的"高频钉住美元"和"低频钉住美元"的混合模式的特点,并面临本币升值的压力.新自由主义理论所鼓吹的"中间汇率制度消失论"不符合东南亚的实际情况.     

Kidnap for Ransom in South East Asia

Kidnapping for ransom is not a new phenomenon. According to the Control Risk Group, an international risk consultancy, kidnappings of foreign nationals globally have increased by 275% over the past 10 years. High profile incidents such as the tourist kidnappings in 2000 by the Abu Sayyaf group, operating out of the troubled southern region of the Philippines, show that South East Asia has its own regionalised kidnapping hotspots. It is suspected that a high proportion of kidnappings are perpetrated by economically motivated crime groups but it is not possible to estimate with any degree of accuracy what percentage can be attributed to organised crime. This article will provide an overview of the problem, drawing upon existing literature available in the public domain. A typological discussion will show the critical differences between the various categories of kidnapping. The reliability of existing statistics, categorisation and recording of kidnapping for ransom will also be scrutinised, in particular for their variability across the region, to see whether this presents a barrier to a better understanding of the size and seriousness of the problem. As kidnapping for ransom incidents are becoming increasingly transnational in character, the final section will highlight the desirability of formulating and agreeing upon regional standardised definitions and counting rules for kidnap.     

论中国法、伊斯兰法和印度法对东南亚的影响

东南亚地区是一个具有相当特殊性的法域,古老的习惯法、古代中国法、伊斯兰法、印度法在这一地区混合,其情形十分复杂、混乱。概括起来,有如下特点:中国作为东亚和东南亚文明的轴心,中国古代法对所有东南亚国家均产生了普遍、深远的影响,但越南、新加坡等国受古代中华法系的影响要大一些;马来西亚、印度尼西亚和文莱等以信仰伊斯兰教为主的国家及菲律宾南部地区则受伊斯兰法的影响较大;三是在地理位置上靠近印度的缅甸、柬埔寨、老挝和泰国则受印度法的影响较大。     

Global Britain and the Narrative of Empire

Since 2016, the UK government has outlined plans for ‘Global Britain’ as a framework for post‐Brexit foreign policy. Some criticise the idea as a vision of ‘Empire 2.0’, but it is rarely made clear exactly what form it takes or what its wider political implications are. This article argues that Global Britain constitutes not just an idea or a slogan, but a foreign policy narrative and, more specifically, the narrative of empire. Indeed, to appear reasonable its grand ambitions require pre‐existing knowledges of past imperial ‘successes’ and accepting images of empire among the British public. Yet Global Britain lacks efficacy: as a domestic rather than an international narrative, by being inherently regressive in its worldview, and for contradicting the preferences of international partners on which the UK heavily relies. These narrative flaws, it is argued, make Global Britain an actively problematic, rather than merely ineffective, component of UK foreign policy.     

浅议两汉时期的矫制（诏）现象

两汉时期,矫制(诏)现象频发,时代思潮、士大夫们昂扬的进取精神以及矫制(诏)无害法律制度是其成因。其中,矫制(诏)无害法律制度孕育于频发的矫制(诏)政治法律实践,并且成为矫制(诏)频发的制度保障。这个法律制度对汉以后中国传统法律制度的发展产生了深远的影响。     

The deep marketisation of development in Bangladesh

This article introduces the concept of ‘deep marketisation’ as a relatively new, contemporary phase of neoliberal development policy in Bangladesh. By looking into the development strategy of the country’s energy sector, the article shows how an emphasis on marketisation through public-private partnerships (PPPs) and other strategies advances a market fundamentalist agenda to strengthen the private sector and establish a world market. By drawing on interviews with development practitioners from various development organisations in Bangladesh, the article further reveals how development conceptualisations are shaped by the strategy of deep marketisation, leading to the impoverishment of development by constraining its field of actions to measures based on the primacy of economic growth and private sector-led economic development, at the same time leading to a re-legitimisation of flawed neoliberal development policies that result in further inequality, poverty and environmental degradation.     

Repression and Monarchical Resilience in the Arab Gulf States

Why the uprisings that broke out across the Middle East and North Africa in 2010-11 ousted the leaders of republics but left monarchies largely intact remains puzzling. One promising explanation for the resilience of monarchical regimes argues that monarchs exercise repression in a comparatively restrained and largely effective fashion. Proponents of this theory tend to conflate two crucial causal factors: the level of state coercion exercised against opposition activists and the degree of indiscriminateness with which coercion is deployed. By treating these variables as analytically distinct, a more compelling explanation for monarchical resilience can be advanced. The advantages of the revised argument are illustrated by revisiting the divergent trajectories of the uprisings in Bahrain, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait.     

作为中亚转型国家参考模式的发展型政权

苏联解体20年后,几乎所有的前共产主义国家都程度不同地完成了从计划经济向市场经济的转型.然而,仍然有些转型国家在这一进程中落在后面,其中就有前苏联的5个中亚加盟共和国.对于这些既不同于俄罗斯和东欧,更不同于西方发达国家的国家来说,实现转型没有明显的参照模式.本文的目的就是分析在东亚地区取得成功的"发展型政权"是否也能够为中亚经济体的发展提供一个参考模式.     

美国“TPP战略”与台湾加入之前景解析

近年来，美国所倡导和力推的“跨太平洋伙伴关系协议”（TPP）得到了台湾当局的积极响应。美国基于牵制中国主导的东亚经济一体化进程以及扩大对台贸易出口的双重动因，对台湾加入TPP表示支持。而台湾当局出于拓展“国际经贸空间”，提升美台实质性关系，并减少对大陆经济依赖度等多重目的，也积极谋求加入TPP。但是受制于两岸关系的现实以及中美关系的大局，加之台湾岛内经济自由化程度远未达到TPP的要求，台湾当局加入TPP的过程势必困难重重。