《维也纳外交关系公约》的特点和意义

本文把《维也纳外交关系公约》作为规范当今外交关系中包括外交特权在内的最基本问题的最完整、最全面和最具权威 ,就世界外交关系而言其意义仅次于《联合国宪章》的立法性国际文献来介绍和评述。文章分别评述了公约的诞生背景 ,特点和内容 ,作用和意义 ,同中国的关系以及国际社会的执行情况。     

基层民警应正确处理好"三种关系"做贯彻落实"两个最大限度"的践行者

公安工作的一个显著特点就是与人打交道,从一定意义上说,就是处理人与人之间关系的工作。因此,要遵照公安部提出的,在公安工作中要"最大限度地增加和谐因素,最大限度地减少不和谐因素"。要求特别是基层民警应紧紧抓住"三基"工程建设的大好机遇,正确处理好三种关系,把"两个最大限度"的要求落实到实处,以实际行动促进社会的和谐稳定,激发社会的创造力。     

俄印关系的发展及其特点

苏联解体后,俄印关系经历了三个阶段:从一度降温到关系改善,再到建立战略伙伴关系。这是两国不断调整各自的对外政策以适应冷战后国际形势发展的结果。俄印关系的主要特点是:不再含有军事同盟性质;防务合作是重点;合作领域扩大。     

COMMUNITY ACCOUNTABILITY,MINORITY THREAT,AND POLICE BRUTALITY: AN EXAMINATION OF CIVIL RIGHTS CRIMINAL COMPLAINTS*

A growing body of evidence shows that minorities are disproportionately the targets of police brutality, but important theoretical questions about the causes of that inequity remain unanswered. One promising line of research involves structural‐level analyses of the incidence of police brutality complaints; however, existing studies do not incorporate variables from alternative theoretical explanations. Drawing on the community accountability hypothesis and the threat hypothesis, we tested the predictions of two prominent structural‐level explanations of police brutality in a study of civil rights criminal complaints. The study included cities of 150,000+ population (n = 114). The findings reveal that two community accountability variables—ratio percent Hispanic citizens to percent Hispanic police officers and the presence of citizen review—were related positively to police brutality complaints, partially supporting that perspective. Two threat hypothesis measures of threatening people—percent black and percent Hispanic (in the Southwest)—were related positively to complaints, as predicted. The relative degree of support for the two hypotheses is assessed.     

正确处理工会的任务与基本职责的关系

我国的工会法既规定了工会应当完成的任务,又规定了工会的基本职责,这种规定在国有经济占主导地位的时候既不存在理论上的障碍,也不存在实际上的问题。但随着社会主义市场经济的发展,利益主体日益多元化,在国家、企业和劳动者利益不一致的时候,正确处理工会的任务与工会基本职责的关系,不仅有重大的理论意义,也有非常重要的实践意义。     

论工会在和谐社会建设中的特殊作用

构建和谐社会是我们党在新的历史时期提出的重大政治命题,它涉及到人与人、人与社会、人与自然等多重关系,涵盖了政治、经济、文化等各方面的内容。构建和谐社会的首要任务,就是要建立和谐的劳动关系,因为社会的运行和发展都要靠劳动来维系,劳动关系的和谐是社会和谐的基础。工会是劳资关系矛盾的产物,对于构建和谐的劳动关系具有特殊的作用。     

冷战后中国—东盟关系的英国学派分析

本文首先对英国学派的国际社会理论进行了梳理,详细分析了国际体系、国际社会和世界社会的关系,并用此分析冷战后的中国—东盟关系。本文认为中国—东盟之间还没有形成成熟的国际社会,主要依据有:两者缺乏共同的核心价值观,两者关系的机制化程度不高。所以,要改善中国与东盟的关系,至少做到:加强中国与东盟的跨文化交流,真正发挥双边国际制度的作用。     

试析中国与印尼经贸关系存在的问题

近年来,中国与印尼经贸合作关系发展很快,两国双边贸易和中国对印尼基础设施建设的投资顺利发展,但也存在一些问题和障碍,尤其是中国一些商品对印尼的冲击引起印尼部分企业界的不满。本文拟对两国经贸关系存在问题,尤其是印尼纺织服装业受中国产品的冲击进行分析,提出解决问题的意见,以利于促进两国经贸关系的进一步发展。     

Disciplining Society through the City: The Genesis of City Planning in Brazil and Argentina (1894–1945)

This paper looks at the genesis of a discourse on urbanismo (city planning) in Brazil and Argentina between 1894 and 1945 using the ideas of Michel Foucault on discipline and his concept of bio–power. The demographic pattern of the major cities in both countries from 1890 onwards and the renewals of the centres of these cities are also discussed. Other sections are dedicated to the plans proposed for the same cities in the 1920s and to urban representations, such as ideas about social reform, the role of hygiene as a point of departure for planning, and the relationship of ideas on Taylorism (scientific management) and the city. The paper also discusses the planners opposition to elections, when they claimed that they were the only ones qualified to deal with urban problems and therefore they should be employed in the state apparatus.
Other concerns of the paper are the use of planning as an element of nation building and ideas defining eugenics (race 'betterment') as an important aspect of city planning. I conclude by arguing that, if implemented, city planning was a way of creating an industrial culture, disciplining society through the city, although the industrial proletariat has never made up the majority of the population in Brazil or Argentina. Even if many aspects of the plans proposed for both countries were not implemented, the discourse of planners can be seen as a will to discipline society through the city. This discipline would affect the freedom of movement of human bodies, and is therefore approached through Foucault's concepts of bio–power and discipline     

Strengthening Green Global Governance in a Disparate World SocietyWould a World Environment Organisation Benefit the South?

The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.