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71.
Negotiation and nonviolent action are arguably the two best methods humanity has developed for engaging constructively with conflict. Both have played central roles in helping manage or resolve seemingly intractable conflicts, sometimes sequentially and sometimes in tandem. But experts and practitioners in both fields often underestimate the relevance and effectiveness of the other. This article explores the interface between the fields of negotiation and nonviolent action, their mutual commitment to engage constructively with conflict, and the concern both methods share for leverage, power, and strategic preparation and action. After examining the shared linkages, this article highlights how the two fields have synergistic qualities when utilized together in the same conflict. Using examples from a diverse set of conflicts, the overlap explored in this article lays an important foundation for the future convergence of the two fields. 相似文献
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73.
《Labor History》2012,53(4):427-436
“Poor Carolina”: Politics and Society in Colonial North Carolina, 1729–1776. By A. Roger Ekirch. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1981. 305 pp. $23.50. Violent Death in the City: Suicide, Accident and Murder in Nineteenth‐Century Philadelphia. By Roger Lane. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1979. ix, 193 pp. $22.00. 相似文献
74.
张九童 《胜利油田党校学报》2013,(6):37-42
《德意志意识形态》标志着马克思、恩格斯建构的“新唯物主义”日趋成熟,其成熟的基点就在于对“现实的人”历史发展性内涵的科学把握。“现实的人”的历史发展性主要表现在:在批判唯心主义和旧唯物主义中进一步完成了“现实的人”的历史发现;在分析人类需要、分工、交往、生产力的发展过程中找到了“现实的人”历史发展性的实现途径;在扬弃以往生产和交往形式的基础上明确了“现实的人”历史发展性的旨向和无限发展的可能性。 相似文献
75.
76.
关于建国头17年高等教育改革的若干理论分析 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
我国建国头17年的高等教育改革可以划分为两个阶段,第一阶段(1949-1956)以模仿苏联模式进行改革为主要特征,第二阶段(1957-1965)的主要特征则是偏离苏联模式,以苏联模式为蓝本建立起来的高等教育制度主要包括建立由单科院校与理科综合大学构成且以单科院校为主的大学体制;建立“大学一系”、系内设专业、教学研究组的大学内部组织结构;建立以专业为中心、按照统一的教学计划开展教学活动的教学制度。 相似文献
77.
In May 2014, and for the second time in her political history, regional, federal and European elections were organized simultaneously in Belgium. In the direct follow-up of the sixth state reform, which increased the powers and autonomy of the Belgian Regions and Communities, these elections were crucial for the future of the country and for the multi-level coalition formation at the regional and federal levels. The political campaign was dominated by socioeconomic issues and demands for further autonomy, particularly in the Flemish region. Regional electoral results confirmed the success of the regionalist parties in Flanders, but also in Brussels and in the German-speaking Community. These successes allowed regionalist parties to enter all regional and federal governments—often as the dominant party—with the exception of the Walloon and the French-speaking Community cabinets. 相似文献
78.
FERDINAND MOUNT 《The Political quarterly》2011,82(2):146-156
The unique quality of George Orwell's political journalism is to force us to examine not just the utterances of our opponents, but what we say ourselves, in particular how we deceive ourselves as well as deceiving others. What would Orwell diagnose as our major self‐deception if he were alive today? Orwell was much taken with James Burnham's 1941 bestseller The Managerial Society. He agreed with Burnham that the predominant drift in modern society was towards oligarchy, and not towards democracy as we like to flatter ourselves. Whether in business or politics, decisions today rest in fewer hands. Power is concentrated, not dispersed. As in Russia, the emerging system enables oligarchs to collar a disproportionate share of the rewards. Management becomes a self‐remunerating elite. Inequality of income increases sharply as a result. Oligarchy is a perversion of liberal capitalism and not a natural development of it. It can be reversed. The Coalition government has set out in a liberal and localist direction. It remains to be seen whether these promising signs will develop into a sustained and effective programme. 相似文献
79.
AKASH PAUN 《The Political quarterly》2011,82(2):251-260
Coalition government is an unfamiliar experience for Whitehall and Westminster. All actors are still adapting to the rules of this new political game. A number of governance challenges confront the United Kingdom's Conservative‐Liberal Democrat coalition. It must strike a balance between the visions of two distinct parties and blend these into a coherent strategy for government. Like any government, it will expect to resolve most differences internally and then to show a united face to the world. Effective consultation and dispute‐resolution processes within the executive will therefore be at a premium. But the separate political identities of the two parties also need to be preserved, and sufficient resources must be provided to each side within the government to enable this to happen. This article assesses the response of the coalition to these challenges in its first six months and draws lessons from relevant international experience. 相似文献
80.
Old J Schweers BA Boonlayangoor PW Fischer B Miller KW Reich K 《Journal of forensic sciences》2012,57(2):489-499
Abstract: Tests for the identification of semen commonly involve the microscopic visualization of spermatozoa or assays for the presence of seminal markers such as acid phosphatase (AP) or prostate‐specific antigen (PSA). Here, we describe the rapid stain identification kit for the identification of semen (RSID?‐Semen), a lateral flow immunochromatographic strip test that uses two antihuman semenogelin monoclonal antibodies to detect the presence of semenogelin. The RSID?‐Semen strip is specific for human semen, detecting <2.5 nL of semen, and does not cross‐react with other human or nonhuman tissues tested. RSID?‐Semen is more sensitive with certain forensic evidence samples containing mixtures of vaginal secretions and semen than either of the commercially available PSA‐based forensic semen detection tests or tests that measure AP activity that were tested in parallel. The RSID?‐Semen kit also allows sampling a fraction of a questioned stain while retaining the majority of the sample for further processing through short tandem repeat analysis. 相似文献