Turkey and Russia in a shifting global order: cooperation,conflict and asymmetric interdependence in a turbulent region

The current global political economy is characterised by the intensifying economic interaction of BRICS and ‘near BRICS’ economies, with emerging powers increasing their influence in neighbouring regions. The growing partnership between Turkey and Russia constitutes a useful case study for examining this transformation, in which Western supremacy and US hegemony are under increasing challenge. Turkish–Russian relations shed light on broader themes in global political economy. First, significant economic interdependence may be generated among states with different political outlooks, in the form of loose regional integration schemes driven by bilateral relations between key states and supporting private actors or interests. Second, growing economic interdependence may coexist with continued political conflict and geopolitical rivalry, as indicated by the Syrian and Ukrainian crises. An important strategy that emerges is the tendency to compartmentalise economic issues and geopolitical rivalries in order to avoid negative spill-over effects. This facilitates the coexistence of extensive competition with deepening cooperation, as reflected in relations in the field of energy.     

How irresponsible are rising powers?

Rising powers like Brazil, China and India have recently made significant gains in their capabilities as states. Therefore many IR scholars are claiming that these powers must now contribute more to the provision of global public goods like a clean environment, free trade and human rights. This article will argue that reasonably democratic international political discourses are another global public good whose greater supply is sorely needed and that rising powers are having a positive impact on the creation of such discourses. Thus rising powers are not behaving as irresponsibly as many IR scholars assume.     

Inclusive partners? Internationalising South Korea’s chaebol through corporate social responsibility-linked development cooperation

Abstract

In recent years, non-traditional or ‘emerging’ donors such as South Korea have organised their development cooperation models in a manner that seeks to complement the capacities of the private sector by extending the overseas activities of domestic businesses. To better understand this process, this article examines the role of South Korea’s large, family-led conglomerates (chaebol) in its growing international development sector. In particular, we focus on how the concept of corporate social responsibility (CSR) has been used to link the role of its large, and frequently scandal-ridden, private companies to international development, and, by extension, how it has helped to internationalise state–business networks long associated with the Korean developmental state. We examine two strategies through which this has been carried out. The first is by extending the logic of creating shared value (CSV, a derivative of CSR) to aid and infrastructure projects in which chaebol and other state-linked businesses have participated. The second is by directly embedding CSR-based aid initiatives in the value chains of the specific chaebol themselves.     

以公民权利制约行政权

公民权利与行政权的含义、关系及其公民权利对行政权的制约,长期以来是我国行政法上的一个盲点,同时也是一个焦点问题。本文从法源及其现实表现层面论述了二者的含义及相互关系,并从立法及其构建完善的法律体系方面阐述了公民权利对行政权的制约。     

Tensions between congress and the executive in nineteenth-century Argentina: federal intervention and separation of powers

SUMMARY

This article analyses the debates that took place in the Congress of Argentina between the enactment of the constitution in 1853 and the end of the century, regarding the powers of the executive and legislative branches for intervening in the provinces in case of internal conflict or external attack. It focuses on the controversies arising from different bills submitted to congress in order to enact a general intervention act to resolve, once and for all, the powers of each branch in that matter. Although those bills did not pass, a study of them shows the existing disagreements about the operation of the federal system and the separation of powers. Some of the differences were linked to the discussion of American constitutional doctrine in which Argentina had been engaged since the mid nineteenth century in order to solve the dilemmas of organizing its political institutions. This article claims that this analysis contributes to ongoing debates on the roots of political conflict in Argentina by showing the importance of institutional controversies, and argues that it is necessary to address the role of congress and of doctrinal dissent in order to revise the role that historiography has given to the disputes over power as an overall explanation for political confrontations.     

深化“放管服”改革的重点与方向——基于机构改革的分析视角

当前的“放管服”改革取得了重大进展,形成了一些经验和共识。“放管服”改革应当以机构改革为契机,理顺两者之间的内在关联,契合机构改革的现实需要,展现新的时代使命。“放管服”改革要适应机构改革凸显五项核心职能、致力精简效能、坚持以人民为中心等特点,紧紧围绕系统化的现代政府职能体系、标准化的现代服务政府、智能化的未来发展、精准化的个性服务等方向展开,找准深化改革的最佳切入点。     

优化法院司法职权配置的理论反思

十七大报告提出的"优化法院司法职权配置",现成为我国司法改革领域的重要理论主题。对司法职权的分析实际上是对司法权的解读。法院司法职权是国家司法职权划分体系中的重要组成部分,它具有合法性、程序性、公正性、权威性等一系列特性。我国优化司法职权的工作已经走过了较长的历程,但仍然存在一些问题,影响着司法公正,值得我们反思。     

新《刑事诉讼法》视野下指定居所监视居住之审视与检察规制

新《刑事诉讼法》的立法初衷将监视居住从非羁押性强制措施转变为减少羁押的替代性措施，但具体的条文设计却使监视居住制度产生了内部的分裂：在嫌疑人、被告人自己住所执行的监视居住可以被认为是一种非羁押性的强制措施，但指定居所的监视居住却演变为一种准羁押性的强制措施。我们应立足司法实践，以程序正义与人权保障的价值博弈为切入点，以构建刑事强制措施体系的层次性、完整性为视角，提出通过加强检察机关的监督使该项制度更加完善与更加具有可操作性。     

浅谈议行合一制度的优越性

议行合一与议行分离相比，有一定的优越性。为更好地发挥议行合一制度的优越性需要理顺人大与党、人大与政府、人大与司法机关的关系。     

Debunking Brazilian Exceptionalism in its Africa Relations: Evidence from Angola and Tanzania

ABSTRACT

From 2003, President Lula heralded a new dawn in Brazil’s expanding African relations. Brazil was claimed to be unlike other exploitative powers because of its cultural, geographic and historic connections; Africa’s true brother. Despite the passing of two decades and a number of scandals, this narrative of exceptionalism remains. Studies on Brazil–Africa relations tend to focus on the Brazilian state as the key, essentially benign agent. Our analysis uses the case studies of Angola and Tanzania to debunk the idea of Brazilian exceptionalism. We demonstrate the significant, overlooked agency of corporations in shaping and implementing Lula’s Africa Policy, and determining its developmentally dubious outcomes. Additionally, the paper shows how political elites in Africa directed Brazilian government and companies into their political and business norms. Thus, Brazil–Africa relations replicated much of the typical economic patterns of the continent’s trade, with oft-controversial and corrupt investment in commodity extraction and infrastructure.