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41.
Giorgia Bulli 《Patterns of Prejudice》2019,53(3):253-269
ABSTRACTCasaPound Italia (CPI) is an Italian extreme-right movement. It has its headquarters in Rome but the movement has branches in other northern and southern cities. Members of CPI define themselves as ‘Fascists of the Third Millennium’. Bulli’s article focuses on the mix of cultural imaginaries that the organization offers to its members and sympathizers as well as for public consumption. The movement is able to function at different levels of political mobilization—and to recruit members by presenting a targeted set of incentives designed to engage them politically—which include various forms of cultural identification. All these levels are linked by a common idealized subjectivity that brings together classic elements of historic Fascism, including cultural references to the ‘speed of action’ typical of Futurism, with an overcoming of the party-centred post-Fascist Italian political subculture. Bulli’s article emphasizes CPI’s strategic construction of a multifaceted cultural imaginary in which language, communication and codes of conduct play a role comparable to values and ideology. 相似文献
42.
刘阳怀 《湖北警官学院学报》2008,(2):45-49
极端天气类自然灾害会给社会带来重大损失,对极端天气类自然灾害的临战处置是公安机关义不容辞的责任。本文通过对美国圣路易斯市应急预案中“极端天气标准应急管理分系统”的相关分析,结合2008年春节以来公安机关抗击雨雪冰冻灾害的成功经验,明确了公安机关在极端天气类自然灾害临战处置中的两类职责,对提高公安机关应对该类突发事件的能力具有重大促进作用。 相似文献
43.
邵立新 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2009,(2):10-12
一些地方接连发生多起暴力冲突和极端事件,行业群体性事件也呈多发态势,直接威胁社会安全和稳定。究其原因,暴露出部分地方社会情绪趋向消极,成为威胁社会安全和稳定的“火药桶”。及时、正确地疏导和引导社会情绪,缓解社会矛盾,对进一步维持社会稳定具有十分重要的意义。 相似文献
44.
个人极端暴力事件产生的心理原因与预防对策 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
彭科莲 《湖南公安高等专科学校学报》2010,22(5)
近一、两年来,我国个人极端暴力事件频发,给社会带来了极大的危害,给国家和人民的生命财产造成了重大损失,引起了社会各界的高度关注。个人极端暴力事件发生的原因是多方面、多层次的,其中个体的心理原因起决定性作用;个人极端暴力事件的预防是一个系统工程,它需要全社会的合力,齐抓共管,实施社会和心理综合治理。 相似文献
45.
近年来我国个体极端犯罪频繁发生,个体极端犯罪正成为中国社会所面临的现实威胁之一。社会转型期中的各种矛盾、压力是导致个人极端犯罪的外在因素,犯罪人的人格缺陷是个体极端犯罪产生的内在原因。个体极端犯罪的动机类型有:谋求经济利益;厌世自杀;报复特定对象;报复社会;激情型;制造个人影响,寻求刺激;复合型动机等。 相似文献
46.
47.
Riccardo Marchi 《Patterns of Prejudice》2016,50(3):232-252
Marchi examines how the French Nouvelle Droite (ND) was introduced into Portugal at the end of the Salazarist regime and during the transition to democracy. The relevance of the Portuguese case lies in the fact that the early diffusion of the ND in Europe coincided with the profound crisis of the radical right in Portugal as it faced the liberalization of the authoritarian regime and repression during the revolutionary transition. For that reason the far right in Portugal, in comparative terms, can be seen to have been subject to historical constraints quite different from those in Spain and other Western European democracies. Marchi describes the groups on the Portuguese radical right, and certain figures who were inspired by the ND and disseminated its ideas in Portugal. His analysis of their main publications, their statements and the media campaign to promote the ND from the end of the 1960s to the beginning of the 1980s highlights the different reasons for and ways in which Portuguese radicals engaged and dealt with the ND. Marchi also looks at the reactions of the national right-wing milieu to the spread of ND ideas. As part of his paper’s contribution to comparative studies on the transnational radical right, it also provides new evidence, derived from the Portuguese case, of the way in which one of the most important schools of right-wing thought at the end of the twentieth century has influenced extreme-right milieux all over Europe. In light of Tamir Bar-On's analysis of the ND's cultural and pan-European impact, the findings presented here confirm its transnational character while drawing on this and other cases from southern Europe to question the French movement's long-term effectiveness in reorienting the culture of the right-wing milieu. 相似文献
48.
本文突破刑法理论界对马克思、恩格斯关于犯罪问题论述的通说观点,结合特定的历史条件,对马克思、恩格斯关于犯罪问题的论述进行了新的探讨:(1)恩格斯在《英国工人阶级的状况》中封犯罪的阐述,是从无产阶级成长的过程角度来评析,犯罪是工人早期用来反抗资本压迫的行为方式,旨在分析资本的残酷剥削和压迫是产生犯罪的原因;(2)马克思、恩格斯在《德意志意识形态》有关对犯罪的论述,是从政治的角度封犯罪本质的揭示,即反抗统治关系的斗争,并非从刑法学意义上对犯罪概念的界定。 相似文献
49.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(4):37-51
Against the background of research on Italian parliamentary debates on immigration, ter Wal looks at the ideological positions of the extreme-right Alleanza nazionale (AN) concerning both immigration and integration policy. In order to unravel the ideological implications she focuses on examples of various rhetorical strategies enacted in speeches by several of the party's MPs: including stategies of self- and other-presentation, and of justification and causal explanation. This analysis shows how the AN manages to propagate an ideology of ethnic nationalism that eschews the egalitarian norms and cultural pluralism necessary for full participation by migrants. The AN's transformation and re-interpretation of the meaning of the key values of equality andsolidarietàfunction as a justification for the restriction of migrants' rights. Speakers shift the perspective from immigrants' problems to the socio-economic problems of Italians in order to recommend a policy of 'the own people first'. While the AN's discourse thus continues to build on traditional extreme-right beliefs and claims, on the other hand it also espouses New Right ideologies of cultural relativism. Moreover, unlike that of radical-right parties, the AN's discourse does not express blatant forms of ethnic prejudice in the form of stereotypical beliefs and negative representations of immigrants' personal characteristics, nor does it blame immigrants, who are rather represented, and sympathized with, as victims. The moderation of and internal contradictions in its discourse makes the AN difficult 相似文献
50.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):27-50
Conventional academic research into the legacy of inter-war fascism has generally neglected the myriad minuscule and often ephemeral formations of the extreme right that have sprung up since 1945, and has concentrated instead on abortive attempts to emulate the success of the Nazi and Fascist party-based mass movements, and more recently on non-revolutionary ‘neo-populist parties’. However, when examined closely, many of these formations can be observed to behave as fully developed, highly specialized and largely autonomous grouplets that simultaneously form the constituents of an amorphous, leaderless and centreless cellular network of political ideology, organization and activism that is termed here ‘the groupuscular right’. As such, these ‘groupuscules’ are to be seen as the product of a sophisticated process of evolutionary adaptation to post-1945 realities that allows extreme variants of revolutionary nationalism to survive in the ‘post-fascist’ age in a form that is largely resistant to attempts to suppress them, and may represent a number of permanent, if mostly inconspicuous, threats to liberal democracy. 相似文献