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71.
吴同 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2011,23(4):56-61
随着互联网技术的发展,电子产品被广泛应用在各个领域。与此同时,涉及到数字证据的犯罪案件日益增多。目前,侦查取证人员面临的巨大挑战是需要在短时间内在存有海量数据的大容量存储介质中进行搜查取证活动,传统的数字取证模型难以应对。 相似文献
72.
“Decentralization of Military Power” in the Late Qing Dynasty from the Provincial Perspectiveof Zhejiang 下载免费PDF全文
XU Yang 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2007,34(3):137-149
The issue of "governors authoritarian" in the late Qing Dynasty has always been controversial, and "decentralization of military power" is its important content. The case of Zhejiang shows that the governors did not have the complete authority in the military, though they had a breakthrough in the control of the army in the late Guangxu era. "Decentralization of military power" was mainly due to the Qing Government out-of-control of theNew Army, and its localization and revolutionization. Different from the Beiyang New Army and the Hubei New Army, the “mediocrity” of the Zhejiang New Army reflected preferably the characteristics of the New Army of the general provinces. 相似文献
73.
谢海波 《湖南公安高等专科学校学报》2010,22(1)
长期以来,军队车辆管理无视理论指导和环境变迁的工作管理模式促使许多追名逐利之人开始运用诸多"暗箱"手段假冒军用车辆以获取非法利益。究其原因,这不仅与市场经济的逐利性有关,还与假冒军车治理的内在矛盾有关。因此,对假冒军车治理亟需在汲取有效管理经验的同时,从治理角度探讨假冒军车管理的特点和规律,综合运用各种先进的管理工具,逐步完善军队车辆管理的理论体系,实现科学化管理,以保证军队车辆管理的效率性和公正性。 相似文献
74.
陈鹏飞 《湖南公安高等专科学校学报》2010,22(6)
依法对军队中失职的行政人员进行问责,是提高军事行政管理水平,增强部队战斗力的重要保证。然而现行军事行政问责法律制度却存在相关法律规定分散,制度设计陈旧,执行力度较弱等诸多问题。于是,对其进行进一步的研究具有十分重要的理论和现实意义。现从军事行政问责法律制度的历史及现状出发;进而针对存在的问题提出相关完善建议,以求对我军的法治化建设有所裨益; 相似文献
75.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):25-52
Although the United States has been the most prolific intervener in the international system since the end of World War II, there has been little consensus among scholars regarding the motivations of U.S. interventions in domestic political disputes abroad. In addition, scholars do not agree on the relative effects of international factors and domestic factors on intervention decisions by the U.S. Previous research on the motivations of U.S. interventions has occurred within at least two distinctive “streams” of literature: (1) studies of state interventions; and (2) studies of the use of military force by the U.S. Hypotheses regarding U.S. interventions in intrastate disputes are derived from the previous literature, and the hypotheses are tested using recently-compiled data on intrastate disputes and U.S. interventions in intrastate disputes occurring between 1945 and 2002. The results suggest a combination of international factors, including geographic proximity and ideological linkage, significantly influence the decisions of the U.S. to intervene in intrastate disputes. The results also suggest international factors are generally more important than domestic factors, and the effects of both domestic factors and international factors on U.S. intervention decisions may differ depending on the specific type of intervention and the time period. 相似文献
76.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):339-358
Building upon the contributions of previous studies of U.S. foreign aid, this study examines the relationship between human rights and U.S. foreign assistance. Concentrating on the years 1979–1985, the impact of human rights conditions on both economic and military aid allocations to Latin America is analyzed. The results of this analysis indicate that though other factors have a significant effect upon aid allocation, human rights are an important factor in determining the allocation of both U.S. economic assistance and U.S. military assistance. The findings suggest that those countries with better human rights conditions are likely to receive more U.S. aid than others. 相似文献
77.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):115-144
This analysis of the foreign debt problem in Latin America shows that this economic burden is onerous and will not be reduced in the short run. The region's political leaders perceived that collective bargaining could increase their bargaining leverage with foreign lenders and could produce more advantageous repayment schedules for most nations. However, despite verbal backing and the economic promise of collective bargaining, a debtors’ cartel failed to materialize. Evaluations of the political dynamics in key nations anticipated creditors. This analysis also shows that the debtors’ cartel failed because collective bargaining did not gain domestic political support. Foreign influence was tangential to the outcome. Given this political climate, the chances for a revival of collective bargaining are very slim. 相似文献
78.
Emmanuel Kisiangani 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(3):361-374
The proliferation of piracy activity off the coast of Somalia has received a fair share of international attention. Its consequences have included a destabilising effect on trade, security and humanitarian aid. This has served to give reason for the deployment of multi-national forces by some of the countries affected by the scourge. While naval patrols have reduced the success rate of piracy attacks in some areas, there has been little respite in piracy incidents with the overall number of attacks and their geographic scope increasing. Piracy off the coast of Somalia has, in fact, evolved into organised syndicates with transnational networks. The problem is that various international actors have largely viewed piracy off the coast of Somalia in terms of threats to their own national interests and security. They have, thus, dealt with the issue in isolation from its wider context, which has not succeeded in ending the attacks. This article argues that to deal with the piracy problem more meaningfully, there is need for a contextual framework beyond addressing the ‘illegal’ activities. Piracy is a complex problem, with political, legal, social, economic, security and even human rights dimensions, and calls for a truly holistic approach that, especially, seeks to address the root causes on land. The article calls for a change in strategies in order to facilitate a ‘local Somali solution’ rather than an international one that is acceptable to the sensibilities of international actors. The article emphasises the need to extend the strong international cooperation demonstrated on the high seas in the fight against piracy to the fight against root causes of piracy onshore. 相似文献
79.
Łukasz Fijałkowski 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(9):1670-1688
AbstractThe aim of this article is to explain the internal conditions of military security in a non-European context. It utilises securitisation as the theoretical perspective and investigates Iranian and Indonesian case studies to explore how the perception of internal threats and vulnerabilities determines the approaches to military security. It begins with a reiteration of securitisation theory assumptions, followed by clarifying the understanding of security in non-Western contexts. The case studies focus on the conditions which facilitate securitisation, including the nature of securitising actors, assumed concepts of security, and securitisation processes and their outcomes. The analysis indicates a necessity for several alterations in securitisation theory to realise its full potential. Civil–military relations in Asian states differ from those in the West, as both Iran and Indonesia show a high degree of military involvement in political affairs. Military security also becomes securitised as a result of internal political rivalries. The perception of threats is a tool in the struggle to extend the capabilities of security agencies or retain influences. 相似文献
80.
《Global Crime》2013,14(4):345-365
This article analyses the ability of the US Army Special Forces to combat illicit networks (criminal and terrorist) through ‘dynamic attenuation’. It is argued that a process of dynamic attenuation, where network ties and not the actors in the network are targeted, should replace the current US strategy of ‘killing or capturing’ criminal agents threatening US interests. By dynamically attenuating (not destroying) the ties between and among criminal actors and criminal organisations, the US can effectively reduce the capability of criminal organisations to operate and achieve their missions (profit and/or terror). This argument is substantiated by assessing the environments where criminal networks thrive, the characteristics of criminal networks, the utility of targeting networks instead of individual actors, and through a comparison of criminal organisations' and US Army Special Forces' strengths and weaknesses. This article concludes with implications and recommendations for US policy in the fight against criminal organisations. 相似文献