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1.
从国际法角度析空间武器问题   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
王孔祥 《河北法学》2007,25(6):67-70
美国于2002年退出《弹道导弹条约》,并启动导弹防御计划,使外层空间面临着成为军备竞赛新场所的危险.尽管现有的国际法对空间武器的使用是否合法没有作明文规定,但包括《联合国宪章》等在内的国际法律性文件都试图以法律手段实现外层空间的非军事化;而根据《部分禁止核试验条约》,不允许缔约国进行任何使用核动力的导弹拦截试验;《环境影响公约》和《外空条约》等则禁止出于军事目的或任何其他敌对方式使用空间武器.  相似文献   
2.
采用体外成熟的牛卵母细胞 ,经 5 μmol/LIonomycin 5min和 2mmol/L 6 DMAP 5 μg/mLCCB 4h激活 ,分别在TALP M 199(TM ,1∶2 )、BMOC M 199(BM ,1∶2 )和CR1aa培养液内培养 ,2 4h和 3 6h各组卵母细胞的卵裂率分别为5 6.4%、5 5 .6%、5 3 .6%和 72 .0 %、75 .9%、79.0 % ,无显著差异 (P >0 .0 5 ) ;培养 8d后囊胚发育率分别为 18.2 %、2 1.4%和 2 9.3 % ,CR1aa内培养孤雌生殖胚的囊胚发育率显著高于TM (P <0 .0 1)。皮肤成纤维细胞构建的重组胚经同法激活后 ,分别在TM、BM和CR1aa内培养 ,2 4h和 3 6hBM和CR1aa内重组胚的卵裂率显著高于TM (4 9.7%、49.8%比 2 0 .5 % ;74.1%、73 .2 %比 5 0 .0 % ) (P <0 .0 1) ;虽然培养 8d后各组胚胎的囊胚发育率无显著差异 ,但CR1aa内重组胚的囊胚发育率稍高 (12 .3 %比 9.8%、11.5 % )。结果表明 ,CR1aa更适合孤雌生殖和体细胞核移植胚胎的体外培养。  相似文献   
3.
FSH对仔猪睾丸支持细胞增殖和GDNF表达的调节   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
以原代培养的仔猪睾丸支持细胞(SC)为试验模型,研究了FSH对SC胶质细胞源性神经营养因子(GDNF)表达及其增殖的影响。结果显示,外源性添加FSH可促进GDNF蛋白表达,而且这种促进作用具有浓度和时间依赖关系,GDNF蛋白水平随着FSH浓度的增加而升高,当FSH浓度为50 ng/mL时,GDNF水平达到最高,然后逐渐降低;FSH(50 ng/mL)作用30 min,可显著促进GDNF蛋白的表达(P<0.05),当FSH作用1 h时,GDNF蛋白水平达到最高,随后逐渐降低。FSH可以时间-剂量依赖性促进SC增殖细胞核抗原(PCNA)的表达,FSH(50 ng/mL)作用30 min时,PCNA的表达显著增加(P<0.05),作用1 h达极显著水平(P<0.01),至2 h时,PCNA蛋白的表达水平达到最高,随后逐渐降低。提示,FSH可在体外条件下通过刺激SC表达GDNF进而促进其增殖。  相似文献   
4.
In 2017, significant media and political interest was sparked by the UK decision to leave Euratom, the European Atomic Energy Community. While such interest in nuclear matters has to be welcomed, the apparent lack of knowledge displayed in the regulatory governance of the UK nuclear industry is disquieting. This article therefore offers an overview of the publicly funded UK nuclear industry and its regulatory governance including its links with European and global nuclear agencies to inform the debate and to identify critical issues in need of resolution.  相似文献   
5.
This essay considers how the state can be used successfully to initiate and support an energy shift from nuclear energy to renewable energy, as demonstrated by Germany’s Renewable Energy Act from 2000 and its previous Electricity Feed-in-Law (1991). As a result of these nationwide policies, Germany has reduced levels of greenhouse gas emissions, has a higher level of both energy security and employment in the renewable energy industry than the US. Germany is a global leader in this industry and provides a model for other nations in this regard.  相似文献   
6.
ABSTRACT

Growing in range and urgency, humanitarian needs now pose increasingly acute questions for national security policy formulation. Whether over forced migration, food scarcity or nefarious electronic penetration, state security preferences face uneasy accommodations with individual needs be it for child survival, basic sustenance or rights to privacy. This paper deliberates a further field of increasingly apparent value contest: that involving the transfer, diversion and lethal use of small arms and light weapons (SALW). After outlining the scale of this phenomenon, existing regulatory mechanisms over SALW transfers are assessed. It is argued that these controls are inadequate, a deficiency that is embedded within a range of inter-linked disjunctions. They are outlined in a model that is evaluated against empirical findings. Where SALW control inadequacy is causally connected to the disjunctive model, it is argued, current levels of SALW-induced casualties are unlikely to abate. The paper concludes by considering feasible options for enhanced management of global SALW proliferation.  相似文献   
7.
Edward Kwon 《亚洲事务》2018,49(3):402-432
This paper analyzes the policy remedies for dealing with North Korea's nuclear weapons and missile programs. After six nuclear tests and three recent successful ICBM tests, North Korea is close to miniaturizing nuclear warheads and establishing a reliable delivery system, thus achieving a much-feared nuclear weapons capability. In defiance of the extraordinarily tough U.N. Security Council resolutions, Pyongyang persists in developing nuclear weapons. North Korea's nuclear weapons program already has exceeded the strategic patience, of the U.S.-ROK alliance. Harsher policy options to deal with the DPRK nuclear weapons are imperative. Several drastic options, including severe sanctions, preventive bombing, nuclear armament of South Korea, are evaluated in the final round of engagement policy on guaranteeing nonaggression and a peace agreement with Pyongyang.  相似文献   
8.
Recent studies on European Union (EU) Enlargement have emphasised the importance of usages of ‘Europe’ by domestic actors as a necessary condition for the EU to have an impact on domestic politics. We study the usages of Europe in the critical case of Turkey’s nuclear energy policy. We analyse the narratives and actions of domestic actors in Turkey to identify if they use ‘Europe’ (the EU and the idea of Europe). We reach the counter-intuitive finding of usages by both state and non-state actors, which illustrates that usages of Europe can persist despite enlargement stasis in candidate states.  相似文献   
9.
ABSTRACT

How do actors come to contest previously uncontested background ideas? This is a difficult question to ask. On the one hand, deep backgrounds seem to be too foundational for actors to transform. Their political efficacy appears to end where ideas constitute their efficacy in the first place. On the other hand, ideas must not be reified. Even deeply taken-for-granted ideas do not always stay the same, and agents have a lot to do with these changes. In order to answer this question, we draw from social theory and rhetorical studies. We conceptualize the deep background as nomos, and the more easily accessible background as endoxa. We then proceed to identify three sets of conditions that make nomic change possible. These relate to opportunity, message, and messenger. Nomic change becomes possible when the need for something new has become widely established and a supply of new nomic ideas is easily available (opportunity); new nomic ideas are ‘smuggled’ into more orthodox and widely resonating arguments (message) as well as rhetorical encounters in which these arguments are made; and advocates are widely recognized as interlocutors (messenger). A plausibility probe of nomic contestation about nuclear governance provides evidence for this framework.  相似文献   
10.
It has been common, at least since 1945, to exaggerate and to overreact to foreign threats, something that seems to be continuing with current concerns over international terrorism. This paper sketches threat exaggeration during the Cold War and applies the experience from that era to the current one. Alarmism and overreaction can be harmful, particularly economically. And, in the case of terrorism, it can help create the damaging consequences the terrorists seek but are unable to perpetrate on their own. Moreover, many of the forms alarmism has taken verge on hysteria. The United States is hardly "vulnerable" in the sense that it can be toppled by dramatic acts of terrorist destruction, even extreme ones. The country can, however grimly, readily absorb that kind of damage, and it has outlasted considerably more potent threats in the past.  相似文献   
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