约束与局限：试述台湾核武器计划与美国的对策

1964年中国大陆成功进行第一次核试验后，台湾试图秘密研制核武器以改变现状。对此，美国一方面通过和平使用核能与台湾进行合作，另一方面则限制其不得从事浓缩铀的提炼以及核废料的后处理。然而在冷战的背景下，美国并未严格约束台湾研制核武器，导致台湾不断违背承诺。     

Europe and Iran’s Nuclear Issue: The Labours and Sorrows of a Supporting Actor

At the time of writing, representatives from Iran and the E3/EU+3 are trying to work out an agreement that will guarantee that Iran’s controversial nuclear programme, widely suspected of having a military purpose, serves only peaceful ends. As the negotiations enter their most crucial phase, the time is ripe to attempt an assessment of the role played by the only actor, besides Iran, that has been on stage since it all began over ten years ago: Europe. Throughout this long drama, Europe’s performance has had some brilliant moments. Yet the quality of its acting has decreased as a new protagonist, the US, has come on stage. Overall, the Europeans’ record is positive, albeit not entirely spotless.     

新型盗窃行为探析

《刑法修正案(八)》增加了三种新的盗窃行为类型,使盗窃罪的客观构成要件相对趋向于具体化。入户盗窃,是指非法进入他人生活的与外界相对隔离的住所窃取他人财物;携带凶器盗窃,是指行为人随身携带国家禁止个人携带的器械或其他器械进行盗窃的行为;扒窃是指行为人在公共场所盗窃别人随身的财物。对三种新类型盗窃行为方式的研究和探讨,有助于更准确地把握盗窃罪的实质和预防此类犯罪。     

浅析盗窃罪的客观方面

盗窃罪是普遍的犯罪现象和司法机关的打击重点。《刑法修正案（八）》对盗窃罪的客观方面及相应的刑罚措施作了修改完善和补充,增加了＂入户盗窃＂、＂携带凶器＂和＂扒窃＂三种行为,赋予了盗窃罪新的丰富内涵。文章主要对以上三种行为进行分析,指出了司法实践的难题及处理对策。     

缉捕行动中武器的合法使用

缉捕是人民警察一项重要的执法活动。在缉捕行动中犯罪分子为了逃避法律制裁,往往会以各种方式与人民警察进行对抗、拒捕。缉捕是一种情况复杂、危险、多变的战斗。加强缉捕行动中依法使用武器的研究与训练,是人民警察打击犯罪,有效保护群众和自身安全的重要措施。     

非致命武器的战术运用

在群体性事件中,非致命武器作为主要战斗装备发挥着至关重要的作用。因此,分析和研究其战术运用问题具有重要的现实和军事意义。非致命武器的运用中应注意根据处置环节,战场环境,事件规模,时机、目的合理使用。     

Trade,export controls,and non‐proliferation in the Asia‐Pacific region

Abstract

Stemming the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) — nuclear, biological, and chemical — and the missiles to deliver them comprises a crucial element in contemporary security policies. Many observers believe the utility of export controls in this effort is diminishing. While the authors believe that controls on the transfer of military and dual‐use items remain relatively effective and efficient compared to the alternative policy tools, they argue for the development of a more compelling rationale for export controls than restraining proliferation. The authors suggest that an emphasis on the links between non‐proliferation, regional stability, and economic prosperity could help policymakers transcend the more traditional view that such controls sacrifice economic gain for military security. Specifically, the authors argue that proliferation is bad for regional stability and regional economic growth, and that a prudent multilateral system of controls on dual‐use items establishes a foundation for both greater economic and security benefits.     

Governing insecurity: contingency planning,protection, resilience

Abstract

How should we understand the politics of security today? This article addresses this question from one particular perspective, that of ‘biosecurity’. It examines contemporary strategies for managing biorisks in three European states: France, Germany and the United Kingdom. We suggest that the framing of threat and response differs, even within Europe, and that one can identify three different configurations: contingency planning, protection and resilience. Each of these embodies a significantly different way of reconciling fundamental imperatives for those who would govern a liberal society today – the imperative of freedom and the imperative of security.     

供体细胞形态、直径和传代次数对猪体细胞核移植效果的影响

通过采集猪卵巢表面的卵母细胞,经过体外成熟和去核,供体细胞经过分离、培养和传代,注核并构建重构胚胎,融合和激活重构胚胎,以探讨供体细胞的形态、直径和传代次数对猪体细胞核移植重构胚胎的发育能力和核移植效果的影响。结果显示,表面光滑的卵丘细胞作为供体细胞核移植后的分裂率和囊胚率均显著高于表面粗糙的卵丘细胞(P<0.05),虽然融合率差异不显著(P>0.05)。直径小于15μm的供体细胞核移植后的融合率显著低于直径大于30μm的供体细胞(P<0.05)。直径20～30μm供体细胞核移植后的分裂率与直径小于15μm的供体细胞组的分裂率差异显著(P<0.05),与直径大于30μm的供体细胞组差异不显著(P>0.05)。直径20～30μm的供体细胞核移植后的分裂率与囊胚率(63.73%和21.54%)较高,囊胚率有显著差异(P<0.05)。对不同代数胎儿成纤维细胞核移植效果的研究发现,6～9代成纤维细胞的融合率显著高于3～5代和≥10代的成纤维细胞(P<0.05),但卵裂率和囊胚率差异不显著(P>0.05)。结果表明,表面光滑的供体细胞有利于重构胚胎的发育,直径20～30μm的供体细胞较适合进行核移植,用传代培养6～9代...     

日印近期强化战略合作的深层背景与影响

近期在中日关系因钓鱼岛争端而趋于紧绷之时,日印战略合作在不断深化"全球战略伙伴关系"基础上再度纵深发展。双方在民用核能、能源安全、经济贸易、战略安全与军事情报、推行价值观外交与构建海洋同盟等领域展开全面合作。日印关系的快速升温并非偶然,而是与亚太地区的权势转移与战略态势的急剧变化密切相关。尽管日印防务合作要达到战略同盟级也还很遥远,日印强化战略合作的具体影响还要更多的通过观察来确定,但日印全球战略伙伴关系持续走向深入,特别是军事合作趋于深化对中国周边安全环境的影响仍不能不令人警惕。