西部农村人力资本积聚机制构建

当前我国西部农村的经济社会发展远远落后于东部沿海地区和中部地区,也远远落后于西部城市地区,很大程度上与西部农村人力资本积聚机制不完善、积聚力很弱相关。人力资本积聚是促进西部农村经济社会发展的基础和前提。在西部农村人力资本积聚过程中,要构建起教育——学习机制、能力建设机制、医疗——保障机制、迁徙转移机制和政府引导机制。     

附属刑法相关问题探讨

附属刑法是规定在非刑事法律中的刑法规范,它与刑法典之间的关系主要是补充与被补充、修改与被修改的关系,但它与刑法修正案、单行刑法等修改、补充刑法典的形式相比,具有较好衔接刑事责任与民事责任、行政责任以及节约立法成本的作用。附属刑法有依附型和独立型两种立法模式。对于补充、修改刑法典的附属刑法,只有全国人大及其常委会创制的非刑事法律中才能加以规定。刑法典的总则规范适用于附属刑法,除非附属刑法有特别规定。     

公民的基本权利与宪法保障

保障公民的基本权利是宪法最主要、最核心的价值。近代宪法是在保障公民基本权利的过程中产生的,保障公民的基本权利是宪法永恒的主题。基于经济、政治和文化的发展,我国要通过修宪和宪法解释工作进一步确认一些与中国社会发展和人们生活息息相关的必要的基本权利,并通过规范国家权力和加强司法救济等手段来确保公民基本权利的实现。     

Coal and nuclear technologies: creating a false dichotomy for American energy policy

The American electric utility industry is entering a moment of transition. Once viewed as a stable and secure consortium of publicly regulated monopolies that produce and distribute electricity, the industry has weathered market restructuring only to face the ever-present risk of natural disasters, price fluctuations, terrorist attacks, and blackouts. This paper uses five criteria—technical feasibility, cost, negative externalities, reliability, and security—to evaluate the broad portfolio of energy technologies available to American electricity policymakers. Upon close inspection, energy efficiency practices, renewable energy systems, and small-scale distributed generation technologies appear to offer many advantages over large and centralized nuclear and fossil fueled generators. Contrary to the mimetic commentary produced by the media, these three approaches would present policymakers a superior alternative for curbing electricity demand, minimizing the risk of fuel interruptions and shortages, helping improve the fragile transmission network, and reducing environmental harm     

What Limits for Government Control? Civil Liberties and Anti‐terror Measures after the Heathrow Bomb Plot

The threat posed by transnational terrorism has excited debate about how best to calibrate relations between government, the courts and parliament: how can the provision of internal security be facilitated, whilst respecting freedoms and ensuring that policies enjoy broad legitimacy? Attention has focussed primarily on the power of the courts. Sections of the government have mooted a curtailment of judicial competencies; by contrast, a broad range of actors calls for ‐ at the least ‐ the maintenance of current judicial powers as the best means to prevent government from exploiting its already large scope for manoeuvre, as well as to overcome public scepticism. Yet the current debate misses the point that relations between government, courts and parliament have already been altered. Government has gained extra political resources thanks to its participation in forms of international counterterrorist cooperation. This shift of power, and associated problems, were clear during the recent ‘Heathrow bomb plot’.     

地方政府执行力问题探析

政府执行力是维系一个政府机构生存和发展的决定性力量。提高政府执行力,是加强执政能力建设,推动政府工作落实,实践和落实科学发展观的重要保证。     

关于"税权"概念的法律思考--兼与张守文先生商榷

税权的主体、标的和内容不具有同质性,难以总结出一般的特性和共性,只能对税权的各项子权利作个别的描述,所以无法将"税权"定位为所有税法权利的上位概念,而只能在非严格的意义上将其视为税收权利的简称.对任何法学概念,不管是借用概念还是固有概念,都必须严格界定其内涵与外延,不根据本学科内在发展规律的需要随意移植其他学科领域、特别是政治宣传领域的名词与制度,会造成学科理论基础的不稳定以及体系的紊乱,有碍于本学科的长远发展.     

坚持从严治党巩固执政地位

学习江泽民同志“七一”重要讲话 ,认识苏联、东欧共产党丧失政权的教训 ,分析我党巩固执政地位的优势和面临的考验 ,提出按照“三个代表”要求 ,从严治党 ,加强党风廉政建设 ,保持党和国家长治久安的落实措施。     

职工家庭消费需求行为及购买约束与科学消费

职工家庭收入由劳动收入、资本收入及转移收入三部分构成。职工家庭支出包括消费和投资支出,消费首先是物质消费,其次是精神文化消费。职工家庭消费是享用有偿提供的商品和服务,使人的需要得到满足的行为。职工家庭消费偏好是对特定的商品信任。职工家庭消费是生存必须基础,但是消费受职工家庭收入即实际购买力的约束,因此需要科学安排职工家庭消费支出。     

The integration of cooptation and coercion: China’s Taiwan strategy since 2001

In the past half-decade, China has developed a careful balance of cooptative and coercive power in its attempts to dampen the Taiwan independence movement and pursue political unification. In essence, attempts to curry favor with politically relevant constituencies on Taiwan have been paired with attempts to diplomatically isolate and militarily threaten the island's top policymakers. This balance is risky because of the possibility that it may appear too lenient to PRC nationalists, and too provocative to ROC residents. Nevertheless, the current structure of carrots and sticks has emerged for three reasons. First, the institutional coherence of Chinese decision-making and implementation has allowed for the viability of an adaptive, long-term approach. Second, the constraints on both unreinforced cooptation and coercive diplomacy have mediated toward a posture in which the former is enhanced and the latter downplayed. Third, expanded external opportunities in recent years have made it possible to exploit this middle ground.