Aid to the enemy: linking development and peacebuilding on the Korean peninsula

This article discusses the link between development and peacebuilding to analyze South Korean aid activities in North Korea in the context of the Korean conflict, where there are deep-rooted cycles of conflict episodes, and to explore the possibility of aid for peace on the Korean peninsula in the future. The Korean conflict is a large part of what makes South Korean aid to North Korea ineffective. For the past 20 years, South Korean aid to North Korea has fluctuated greatly, due to the context of the Korean conflict. The Korean conflict, once seemingly on the way to resolution, appears to have reverted to a time before the end of the Cold War. Many people in both the North and the South still see each other as the enemy. Most of the South Korean aid projects in North Korea have been suspended indefinitely and the fluctuation of aid to North Korea caused serious debates within South Korean society. At one point, the debates grew so heated that they were called the ‘South–South conflict’. Building on the conceptual framework of conflict sensitive development and strategic peacebuilding, this article argues that, to overcome the current impasse, all stakeholders must better understand the context of the Korean conflict and the interaction between the context and themselves, and develop a comprehensive strategy together, to encompass the multiple issues raised by the Korean conflict, as strategic peacebuilding proposes.     

The Sino–Japanese territorial dispute and threat perception in power transition

A territorial dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands has gained a high profile in Sino–Japanese relations. Since the 2012 escalation of the territorial dispute, there is no sign of any de-escalation despite economic interdependence, which previously helped ease the tension. Drawing on the constructivist understanding of threat perception and power transition theory, this article analyzes the way in which the deepening of threat perceptions associated with a perceived regional power transition prevents Japan and China from working beyond their subjective conceptions of justice associated with boarders and history. Since 2012, the Sino–Japanese territorial dispute has increasingly fitted into a larger picture of power-political conflict taking place in a power transition in which both Japan and China aim to return to ‘normality’ by propagating their territorial claims, strengthening their military capabilities, and strategic realignment. To that end, this article first introduces a theoretical framework on the centrality of threat perceptions in power transition. Second, it traces the ways in which Japan and China have developed a threat perception of each other since 1972. The third section deals with the escalation of the Sino–Japanese territorial dispute since 2010 and highlights the deepening of mutual suspicion and threat perception exemplified at the bilateral and multilateral levels. I conclude that the Sino–Japanese territorial debate entered a new stage of normative and power-political competition in earning international support for territorial claims in the East China Sea.     

血液和尿液样品中海洛因代谢物稳定性研究

目的对尿液和血液中海洛因代谢物3-β-D-葡萄糖醛酸吗啡（M3G）,吗啡,O6-单乙酰吗啡（O6）在180d内的稳定性进行研究。方法准备空白添加血液、尿液、染毒动物（大白兔）血液、尿液和吸食海洛因者血液、尿液样本,分别置于20℃、4℃、-20℃下,分别于0、1、2、4、7、14、28、56、112、156、180d时间点测定样品中M3G、吗啡,O6相对含量。结果在3种不同温度下,随保存时间的延长,血液、尿液中的O6含量均逐渐下降至零;血液中吗啡含量升高（空白血液添加组）或下降（染毒动物组）,在尿液则均升高;血液样中M3G含量均升高,尿样中则略有下降。下降和升高的幅度均随保存温度的下降而缩小。结论海洛因代谢物在-20℃时保存稳定性最佳。     

应用微视野仪对眼底损伤者进行视敏度的评估

目的探讨眼底损伤者的微视野检测指标与视敏度的相关性,及微视野仪评估视功能的应用价值。方法应用MP-1型微视野仪,对100名眼底损伤者进行视网膜光敏感度、固视稳定性检查,获得黄斑中心2°视网膜平均光敏感度、全视野视网膜平均光敏感度、固视中心2°固视率、固视中心4°固视率等微视野检测指标数值,将其与视敏度进行Spearman相关分析及多元回归分析。结果黄斑中心2°视网膜平均光敏感度、全视野视网膜平均光敏感度、固视中心2°和4°固视率与视敏度均呈正相关,其相关系数分别为0.676、0.693、0.670、0.665（p〈0.05）。散点图显示各微视野指标与视敏度间具有直线相关趋势,由此得出多元线性回归方程为：Y=2.543＋0.043×X2＋0.017×X4（X2全视野视网膜平均光敏感度,X4固视中心4°固视率）。结论微视野检测指标与视敏度之间有良好的正相关性,具有法医学应用价值。     

Groupthink and Terrorist Radicalization

Why do groups adopt terrorism? Major theories of terrorist radicalization assume it to be a rational process whereby groups select terrorism as the policy most likely to advance their goals. Not all terrorism is rational, however, and these theories cannot explain cases when groups pursue terrorism despite it being self-defeating. We distinguish between rational and irrational terrorism, and explain the latter using social psychology's groupthink mechanism. Although terrorists are widely assumed to be vulnerable to groupthink, empirical work on the phenomenon has focused overwhelmingly on decision-making by national executives. We firmly establish the link between groupthink and terrorist radicalization by tracing groupthink's operation through the development of the Weather Underground, an American terrorist group that emerged in the late 1960s and conducted six years of bombings against the U.S. government. All of the antecedent conditions, symptoms, and decision-making defects predicted by groupthink are evident in the Weather Underground, providing valuable evidence of the dangers of irrational radicalization and offering lessons for its prevention.     

The European Union's human security discourse: where are we now?

The language of human security has been prominent in the European Union's (EU) official discourse for a number of years. However, whilst it has been promoted as a new approach for the EU in the development of its security and defence policy, the aim of this article is to assess the extent to which it actually features in the EU's contemporary strategic discourse and practice. It seeks to uncover where and how the concept is spoken within the EU's institutional milieu, how it is understood by the relevant policy-makers in the EU and the implication of this across key areas of human security practice. It is argued in the article that human security has not been embedded as the driving strategic concept for Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) in an era of crisis and change in Europe and beyond and that the prospects for this materialising in the near future are rather thin.     

Stability of Morphine,Codeine, and 6‐Acetylmorphine in Blood at Different Sampling and Storage Conditions

The stability of drugs in biological specimens is a major concern during the evaluation of the toxicological results. The stability of morphine, codeine, and 6‐acetyl‐morphine in blood was studied after different sampling conditions: (i) in glass, polypropylene or polystyrene tubes, (ii) with addition of dipotassium ethylene diamine tetraacetic acid (K₂EDTA) or sodium oxalate (Na₂C₂O₄), and (iii) with or without the addition of sodium fluoride (NaF). Spiked blood samples were stored at two different temperatures (4 and ?20^°C), analyzed after different storage times and after three freeze–thaw cycles. Opiate concentrations were decreased in all conditions, but the most unstable was 6‐acetyl‐morphine. The addition of NaF as preservative improved the stability of opiates at all conditions studied, whereas the type of anticoagulant did not affect the stability of opiates. It was concluded that blood samples should be stored at ?20^°C in glass tubes containing oxalate and NaF for maximum stability.     

中央苏区时期与毛泽东思想的初步形成

毛泽东等老一辈革命家在领导中央红军开辟赣南、闽西中央苏区时期,成功地解决了指导中国革命的四个重大问题即:走什么路,建什么党,建什么军,遵循什么样的思想路线?从而初步构建了毛泽东思想科学体系的基本内涵和框架。其主要内涵为:一是开辟了中国革命新路——提出农村包围城市的革命道路理论;二是制定了思想建党、政治建军的基本纲领及其各项原则;三是确立了红军反"围剿"作战的积极防御战略方针;四是提出了"中国革命斗争的胜利要靠中国同志了解中国情况"的独立自主、实事求是思想路线。     

中日双边互动的战略性思考

中国的和谐世界理念与日本外交战略的互动,表现为两国战略分歧与战略对话并存:中国坚持走和平发展道路与日本"普通国家论"阐释的大国化战略路径相异,导致两国业已存续的冲突与纷争时有显现、结构性矛盾日益突出,因而构筑基于共同战略利益的互惠关系成为发展双边关系的战略选择。寻求中日双边良性互动,要将两国关系置于国际体系的坐标中进行战略定位,在考量构建中日战略互惠关系相关因素的基础上,突破既往双边关系的局限性,理性调控中日战略互惠关系的互动及走向。     

战略劳动关系管理:内容、挑战及展望

劳动关系是劳资双方在劳动过程中构成的一种社会关系,它包括权利关系和利益关系两个方面,劳动争议中涉及的劳动关系是权利和利益兼有的关系.劳动关系包括三个范畴,即学术建设、解决实际问题、道德规范.劳动关系管理和人力资源管理对工作场所问题的研究都包含了雇主、员工和社会这三种视角,只是其侧重点不同.劳动关系管理是以上三种解决途径...