试析美国奥巴马政府的核不扩散政策

奥巴马政府上台后,美国核不扩散政策出现了重要转变。这一转变既是奥巴马政府对布什政府核不扩散政策进行反思的结果,又是修复美国国际形象和维护其世界领导地位的战略需要,更是美国对朝鲜和伊朗的核开发问题施加压力的一种手段。奥巴马政府对美国核不扩散政策的调整,有利于国际核军控工作走上正轨;将对中国产生多重影响;对地区核问题的解决所产生的效果具有不确定性。     

DIVORCE AND THE FAMILY COURT: WHAT CAN BE DONE ABOUT DOMESTIC VIOLENCE?

Approximately 50% of couples who have separated report being victims of violence and/or emotional abuse by their former intimate partners. Family courts can make an important contribution toward reducing the number of intimate partners who report being victims of domestic violence and abuse during and following their participation in divorce proceedings in three ways. First, increase opportunities for participation in nonadversarial procedures. Second, implement mandatory assessment/screening for domestic violence using field‐tested instruments that link subscores on sets of items (e.g., control motivated violence, conflict instigated violence/abuse, substance abuse associated violence/abuse) with appropriate community‐based treatments and/or resources. Third, educate family court judges, lawyers, mediators, and other court personnel in the dynamics of domestic violence generally, as well as the dynamics associated with separation/divorce.     

Militarization in Burma's ethnic states: causes and consequences

Despite a dramatic reduction in fighting in Burma's ethnic states, militarization has increased as the regime seeks to extend its sovereignty and capitalize on economic opportunities. Rather than ensuring civilians' safety, militarization has exposed more civilians to human security threats, with serious consequences for families and communities. Abuses are likely to continue as long as the regime under-finances its army, disregards disciplinary problems, and receives diplomatic cover from its foreign economic partners. While civilians have sought to manage these threats as best they can, their degree of agency is, in most cases, highly constrained, and women have been particularly affected. Nevertheless, the development of community-based organizations which make use of porous borders to expose abuses and provide assistance to distressed communities constitutes an important, if limited, development.     

利用DNA和RNA进行死亡时间推断的研究进展

死亡时间是法医和刑事侦查工作者在调查犯罪行为和其他死亡事件中所需要的重要信息之一。但是目前死亡时间推断所使用的传统方法常受到经验和环境的影响，从而降低推断的准确性。由于DNA和某些RNA在细胞内的含量十分稳定，而且个体死亡后这些遗传物质随着死亡时间的延长呈有规律地降解，所以通过测定死后细胞内的DNA和RNA含量推断死亡时间成为法医学的研究热点。     

毒品“麻古”的提取与GC／MS检验

目的建立毒品“麻古”的检测方法。方法利用不同前处理方法对毒品“麻古”进行定性分析。结果在碱性条件下可提高毒品“麻古”的提取率。结论该方法可以对毒品“麻古”进行准确定性。     

基于工作过程为导向的《PRO/E》课程教学设计

课程是职业教育改革的核心。本文在分析了工作过程系统化课程内涵的基础上,以《PRO/ENGINEER》课程为例。阐述本课程的基于工作过程为导向的教学情境设计思路及实施过程。     

因事成制：关于中国新闻法制建设的思考

在我国，新世纪以来几件为公众周知的事件促生了一些人所称道的法规和案例。“因事成制”的思维和路径契合我国文化传统，是“因势成事”的具体表现。“因事成制”可以创新制度，也可以进行法律移植。“因事成制”有其存在的现实必要性和可能性，既体现了政治家使新闻传播权利“软着陆”的智慧，又有着深厚的法学理据，论题学法学、伯克利学派，以及哈耶克的有关理论等皆可使其得以证立。“因事”包括“借事”与“造事”，新闻法制变革借事成制已有，而造事未见。     

论禁毒情报调研成果的评估及利用

对禁毒情报调查研究的成果进行评估,是对调研获得的情报的内在质量所作的审核、评价,以便更好体现禁毒情报的价值。其评估内容表现在:真实性和有效性;评估方法主要有:分析与综合的方法,归纳与演绎的方法,比较的方法,“人、事、物”联系方法以及提出假设的方法。禁毒情报调研成果的利用主要是:为社会治安综合治理提供依据;为制定打击、预防毒品违法犯罪对策提供依据等七个方面。     

Responding to the crisis: Eurosceptic parties of the left and right and their changing position towards the European Union

At the time of the election of the European Parliament (EP) in 2014, the European Union (EU) was heavily affected by a multifaceted crisis that had – and still has – far-reaching implications for the political system of its member countries, but also for the European level of governance. Against the background of the strong Eurosceptic vote in the 2014 EP elections, this study aims to investigate in which way Eurosceptic parties of the left and the right respond to the multiple crises of the EU. Using data from the Euromanifesto Project from 2004/2009 and 2014, changes in the party positions towards the EU are analysed in the shadow of the multiple crises and the reasons thereof are explored. The findings show a general anti-European shift among the two types of Eurosceptic parties. Nevertheless, the changes in the EU polity tone are not determined by issue-based repercussions of the multiple crises, but by the EU-related evaluation – the polity mood – of the national citizenry. For far-right Eurosceptic parties, the shift is moderated by the level of public support for EU integration in their national environment. Among far-left Eurosceptic parties, by contrast, it is moderated by the more specific public attitudes about the monetary union policy of the EU. Consequently, political parties when drafting their manifestos for EP elections are not so much guided by the objective severity of political problems or by the evaluations of these problems by the citizenry. What matters in the end is the link that citizens themselves are able to establish between the severity of political problems, on the one hand, and the responsibility of the EU for these problems on the other. This has important consequences for understanding of the nature and substance of political responsiveness within the EU system of multilevel governance.