腐败心理的内涵、构成及抑制策略

腐败心理是支配腐败行为人实施腐败行为的复杂心理现象的总称。腐败心理不仅是腐败行为发生的内在动因,其构成要素的组合状况和特点还决定了腐败行为的性质、类型和发生频次。因此,抑制腐败心理的生成,需要培育积极的心理动力结构要素、合理的心理认知结构要素和有效的心理自控结构要素,从源头上构筑起预防腐败行为发生的内在防线。     

Towards virtuous and ethical organisational performance in the context of corruption: A case study in the public sector

With the increasing number of ethical violations reported across the public sector, the emphasis on ethics and values in governance is on the rise. Corruption is widely accepted as a form of unethical behaviour that can have detrimental effects on organisations as well as society at large. Research calls for empirical studies focusing on the contextual factors surrounding corruption. Based on the Contextually Based Human Resource Theory and using the case study method, this paper examines the role of context through a systematic analysis of corruption in a public sector organisation. We integrate corruption and human resource literature to understand employee behaviour, employee relations, HRM strategies, and organisational outcomes in the context of organisational corruption.     

Weak states and uneven pluralism: lessons from Mali and Kyrgyzstan

We argue that certain important democratic practices and elements of pluralism are lasting features of political systems in many poor countries. Because of state weakness, such arrangements work to the benefit of both elites and citizens. The broader citizenry and civil society enjoy significant political freedoms and greater access to foreign aid. Elites tolerate these limited civil liberties and regular elections because they produce few costly consequences due to state incapacity. We evaluate this theory of ‘uneven pluralism’ in poor countries using evidence from a paired comparison of Mali and Kyrgyzstan. These two countries have experienced significant political turbulence, but on balance have shown a persistent and robust commitment to a free press, transparent elections, and respect for freedom of association. Our theory suggests that uneven pluralism is likely to continue in countries like Mali and Kyrgyzstan, even as significant limits on judicial independence, persistent corruption, and lack of government transparency make democratic consolidation unlikely.     

PAKISTAN’S CRISIS OF GOVERNANCE AND THE RESURGENCE OF TERRORIST VIOLENCE SINCE AUGUST 2016

Fifteen years since joining the US-led anti-terrorism coalition, Pakistan’s response to the challenges of terroristic violence and extremist indoctrination and propaganda remain military-centric and kinetic. Since August 2016, after a brief lull, Pakistan has experienced a resurgence of terrorist activity and violence that has struck all of its provinces and placed its capital on high alert. The re-escalation in the level of terrorist violence began with the August 8, 2016, attacks in Quetta, which left over 70 dead and more than 100 injured. The lack of response from the provincial and federal governments to this carnage, led the Supreme Court of Pakistan to exercise its authority under Article 184(3) of the Constitution and establish an Inquiry Commission to examine the state of the investigation and report on the challenges faced in the struggle against terrorism and extremism. This inquiry assumed the form and substance of an audit of the performance of Pakistan’s institutions and exposed the link between the country’s crisis of governance and its incoherent response to terrorism and extremism at all levels of government. The implications of the inquiry report are both broad and deep, and reveal that Pakistan’s trajectory remains that of civilian administrative breakdown and institutional exhaustion. This indicates that Pakistan’s civilian-military balance continues to shift in structural terms in favour of the latter and that beneath a veneer of constitutional democracy, the arbitrary, unwise, and inefficient, exercise of power by the political class continues to hollow out the country’s administrative institutions.     

Government and Corruption: Scylla and Charybdis

Using public sector employment and corruption perception data for 72 countries across the world, this article demonstrates that despite common notion countries with “smaller” governments do not tend to have lower corruption. Under general assumptions, one can demonstrate that there is an optimal size of public sector employment corresponding to the highest capital intensity. The model has several implications: lower optimal sizes of governments for labor intensive countries and higher sizes for capital intensive ones, possibility to reduce corruption paying a cost of suboptimal output, and a higher “price” of an oversized government for labor intensive countries.     

国内外腐败指数及其对比研究

腐败的定量刻画是近年来腐败问题研究的主流趋势。腐败指数有两种:基于企业调查报告和专家评价基础上的主观腐败指数;基于腐败统计数据的客观腐败指数。主观指数比较直观、使用广泛,但是无法克服指标的偏向型和片面性;客观指数比较严格、科学,但是计算方法复杂、可操作性差。     

对加强胜利油田惩防体系建设的思考

建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系是推进党风廉政建设的创新举措。胜利油田惩防体系建设以党的十八精神为指针，固本清源抓教育，规范权力抓监督，以查促防抓惩处，牢牢把握促进党员干部清正廉洁、保障履职安全的目标指向，为提升胜利油田党风建设和反腐倡廉工作水平，推动胜利油田打造世界一流、实现率先发展提供政治保障。     

The political and economic causes of satisfaction with democracy in Spain – a twofold panel study

This study tests the links between political and economic performance and satisfaction with democracy (SWD) in Spain. Contrary to the dominant theoretical paradigm that explains the aggregate evolution of and the individual-level differences in SWD mainly by means of economic factors, the article presents evidence that evaluations of the political process are equally relevant to account for both changes in individuals’ SWD over time and the evolution of SWD at the national level. Unlike most existing literature, this study supports its argument by combining analyses of a micro-level panel dataset (CIUPANEL) and of a pooled aggregate-level panel dataset based on the Spanish samples in the Eurobarometer and the Latinobarómetro between 1986 and 2014.     

官员特权表现及其治理

干部特权现象的存在,极大地侵蚀党的肌体,损坏社会公平正义,影响党群、干群关系。少数党员干部存在着徇私枉法、滥用权力、违纪违法、挥霍奢靡、独断专享、推崇潜规等特权表现。因此,必须从主观与客观、历史与现实的维度深刻剖析干部特权现象泛化的内外因素,要以领导干部为重点,实行教育、制度、监督、惩处并重的举措,坚决治理干部特权现象;要深化群众路线教育实践活动,形成科学的权力结构和运行机制,建立全方位、立体式监督机制,加大对特权行为的查处力度,从根本上遏制特权思想、特权现象的滋生和蔓延。     

反腐倡廉建设的几个基础理论问题

反腐倡廉建设是党的建设的重要内容,它不仅是一个完整的体系,而且还是一个动态的过程和一个开放的系统。在反腐倡廉建设实践中,要正确处理反腐倡廉建设和作风建设的关系,在坚持改革创新、重点突破、标本兼治以及人民满意的基础上,从领导干部特别是主要领导干部抓起,反对特权思想、特权现象,抓好制度体制、机制建设以及涉及人民群众切身利益的各种问题。