效益最优视角下的我国视频侦查工作进路——基于周克华案、波士顿马拉松爆炸案、伦敦地铁爆炸案的比较研究

我国视频侦查工作的实施状况包括投入与效果两个层面。周克华案、波士顿马拉松爆炸案、伦敦地铁爆炸案中的案件基本参数状况、资源投入状况与收益状况是评价视频侦查工作实施状况的具体指标。视频侦查工作效益最优是指在视频侦查资源成本投入一定的情况下实现侦查效益的最大化。视频侦查工作效益最优的经济学模型包括理想与现实状态两种函数。视频侦查工作的效益最优还应当兼顾法学与社会学领域的内容。效益最优视角下的我国视频侦查工作进路是一种体系化的工作形式,由原理、硬件、人员与机制四个层面的内容组成。     

权威、权益、权衡：当代中国公民的政策参与

从长远来看,社会和经济的发展会带来公民政策参与的扩大。而从理论与现实考量,不适度的政策参与带来失序和无效,只有适度的公民参与才有利于政策过程的顺利实施。而这种适度的把握来自于公民政策参与,政府权威与公民权益的权衡,权衡的真正本意在于追求公民政策参与的有序性和有效性。     

思想政治工作实效性刍议

如何提高新形势下思想政治工作的实效性 ,是当前一个紧迫的现实问题。思想政治工作实效性的内涵 ,影响实效性的因素 ,对当前思想政治工作存在的问题进行分析 ,从七个方面提出了有针对性的对策建议。     

论我国船舶物权变动模式的立法选择

<物权法>对船舶物权变动采用了意思主义模式,在意思主义物权变动模式下,船舶物权变动不以登记为必要条件,登记是当事人的自愿行为而且登记只具有公示力而没有公信力.船舶物权乃物权,物权为对世权,本可对抗一切人,但依意思主义,船舶物权变动因双方当事人的合意而完成而且变动后的船舶物权在完备公示前不能对抗第三人,而不能对抗第三人之"物权"是否为真正意义上的物权,颇值疑问.一国立法在物权变动模式问题上应在考虑促进交易快捷,保障交易安全等因素的基础上做出正确的选择.     

The Combet Case and the Appropriation of Taxpayers' Funds for Political Advertising – An Erosion of Fundamental Principles?

This article contains a critical discussion of Combet v The Commonwealth (2005) and the reasons given by the High Court in that case, for dismissing the legal challenge to the present government's political advertising campaign in support of its Workchoice legislation which was conducted before the publication or enactment of that legislation. It also deals with the implications of the case for the declining significance in modern times of the parliamentary appropriation process as a means of ensuring the accountability of governments for the expenditure of taxpayers' funds. The article concludes with a discussion of the possibility of future parliaments (regardless of their political complexion) reasserting their control over the appropriation process and restricting the use of government advertising for political purposes.     

Were Bosnian policy research organisations more effective in 2006 than in 2003? Did technical assistance play a role?

In 2003 the policy development process in Bosnia and Herzegovina was characterised by international community (IC) dominance. The IC provided the vast majority of the analysis of problems facing the country and drafted many of the laws. This article documents developments from fall 2003 to fall 2006 in the use of evidence and analysis in the policy development process and the role of local policy research organisations (PROs—often called think tanks) in it. The likely relation between these changes and the activities of a PRO mentoring project that operated over the same period is also assessed. Evidence comes as a series of interviews in both years with government officials and members of parliament, on the one hand, and leaders of PROs and advocacy NGOs on the other. The broad picture that emerges from the above review is of a substantial positive development in the policy development process in Bosnia and Herzegovina over the period. Factual evidence and analysis are playing a much greater role, and PROs have been a major provider of this information. The evidence indicates that PROs have been successful in convincing the policy community that they are purveyors of objective, disinterested advice and analysis. The improvements occurred in a conducive environment that steadily placed greater responsibility for policy formation on Bosnian officials. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

大学生"热点"教育的过程选择与价值归正

随着社会主义市场经济的发展,高校面临的思想政治教育环境日益复杂,高校思想政治道德教育必须要结合社会发展的实际情况进行不断的发展与创新。其中,关键是要注重解决现实问题,尤其要通过对社会热点问题的分析,对大学生急于了解和关注的社会热点、焦点问题,给予科学引导和分析,使思想政治道德教育具有较强的实践性和时效性。     

合同相对性与合同效力扩张

本文结合我国合同立法对合同相对性与合同效力的扩张问题进行了深入研究,提出了在坚持合同相对性原理的前提下,合同效力适度扩张的有益见解。     

关于非公经济组织建立妇联组织的思考

非公经济组织建立妇联组织具有现实的必然性,但也存在一些问题和障碍。非公经济妇联组织要有效地发挥作用,一是将性别意识纳入政府、人大、政协决策的主流——政策和法律保障;二是党建带妇建——组织保障;三是合理地利用妇联组织的两种身份——策略保障;四是协调好与工会的关系——机制保障。     

Food riots and the politics of provisions from early modern Europe and China to the food crisis of 2008

The food riots of 2007–2008 jolted authoritarian regimes and international agencies into action. The riots also began to crack neoliberal hegemony over the global food system. Food riots have often driven a politics of provisions, sometimes winning relief, sometimes merely bloody repression, depending on a particular country’s political economy. Such bargaining in the politics of provisions is made possible by existing networks – of solidarity among the common people and reciprocity between them and their rulers – that extend elements of ‘normal’ politics into crises. This paper explores how riotous extensions of such sociopolitical networks shaped food politics in early modern England and China, Famine Ireland, the ‘IMF (International Monetary Fund) austerity riots’ of the 1980s and 1990s, and the food riots of 2007–2008.