住房反抵押货款模式中的预期寿命风险及其承担机制

以住房反抵押贷款模式辅助现行的养老制度，以改善老年人的生活水平、寻求和建立养老保障的新机制，近来收到了广泛的关注。但是该模式在推行中会由于种种不确定性，借贷双方都将面临较大风险，从而使这一模式的推行遭遇相当的障碍。本文着重对该模式推行中涉及的借款者的预期寿命与实际寿命之间的差异风险，以及其承担机制，给予了较深入的探讨。     

财产权制度的存在基础

民族性、目的性和当代性是民法制度设计的根基,财产权观念不仅是一种单纯的法律确认,同时也是一种伦理升华和哲学判断。财产权制度的产生与流变既是人类理性思维的结果,而且也有其赖以存在的充分的哲学依据,财产权制度的设计和改革必须以效益观念为指导。作者认为伦理基础是财产权制度民族性的体现,哲学基础决定了财产权制度设计的目的,而经济基础则是财产权制度时代性的必然要求。通过对财产权制度存在基础的综合分析,力图在前人已取得的丰硕成果上,重新观察财产和财产权这样一个开放的权利体系,对其做出正本清源的概括和梳理,以期对我国民法典和物权法的制定提供一种带有基础性的研究基点和研究思路。     

中国制造业走出国门的知识产权保护问题

入世后,中国产业尤其是制造业面临着专利技术侵权的严峻考验,在国际大企业不断的侵权诉讼中,寻找问题的关键和突破重围成为国内企业走出国门的当务之急。本文结合2003年里发生的中国制造业在国内外所受的专利侵权案件,分析其产生的原因,以江苏省制造业为例,试对我国制造业在WTO大背景下出口的知识产权保护问题提出相应的解决方案。     

试论公权力与私权利之间的法律平衡--关于制定《传染病隔离法》的思考

2003年春夏之际,一场始料不及的瘟疫——“非典型性肺炎”席卷了我国大江南北。通过各级政府和全社会公民的良性互动,目前疫情已经得到了阶段性的控制。回首抗击“非典”的日日夜夜,少数人借“非典”之机大发不义之财;而更多的公民则为了控制疫情积极配合政府采取的应对措施。有法可依,依法办事,切实保障每一位公民的基本权利,这是法治国家政府在防治严重传染病过程中面临的重要问题。这场瘟疫不仅考验了科学,而且也考验着政府的应急能力及其法律是否完善。在我国缺乏《紧急状态法》的前提下,政府为了应对突发性公共卫生事件而采取了(包括“隔离”等限制公民人身自由在内的)一系列行政强制措施。政府行政权力的底线是尊重和保障人权,而不能随意压制公民、法人和其它组织的私权利。“塞翁失马,焉知非福。”尽早出台《传染病隔离法》等相关法律,从立法和执法中寻求公权力和私权利之间的动态平衡未尝不是抗击“非典”给我们带来的启示。     

Why Right‐Leaning Populism has Grown in the Most Advanced Liberal Democracies of Europe

Immigration and new class divisions, combined with a growing anti‐elitism and political correctness, are often used as explanations for the strong gains for right‐leaning populist parties in national elections across Europe in recent years. But contrary to what we might assume, such parties have been very successful in the most developed and comprehensive welfare states, in nations—such as the Nordic countries—with the best scores on economic equality and social inclusion and long established political and judicial institutions enjoying a high degree of popular legitimacy. As argued in this article, this seems to happen because a duopoly of the centre‐left and centre‐right political establishment has kept issues such as immigration and new class divisions off the public agenda and hence paved the way for right‐leaning ‘disruptor’ populist parties with an anti‐immigration agenda in times of increasing immigration.     

The Quiet Revolution? The Labour Party and Welfare Conditionality

Labour's 2017 general election manifesto contained a pledge to ‘end the punitive sanctions regime’ in the British welfare state. Whilst the specific implications of this pledge were not elaborated, such a policy would nevertheless constitute a profound break with a welfare consensus spanning over twenty years. The depth of the suggested changes on welfare are also evident in the scale of reform proposed to disability benefits, as well as plans—confirmed in August 2018 by the Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell—to pilot universal basic income. Collectively, these policies would seemingly be deeply at odds with public opinion on the benefits system, which over the course of the last two decades has significantly hardened. Yet despite the seemingly radical and controversial nature of the policy, it received very little media or public attention during the election campaign. This article explores Labour's ‘quiet revolution’ on welfare, examining whether Labour's new welfare approach is indeed a bold attempt to reshape public opinion on welfare or, alternatively, a mostly pragmatic reaction to changing social attitudes. The argument presented is that whilst there are persuasive explanations that Labour is responding to a change in the public mood, there is also evidence of a more ambitious goal at stake: the aim of reshaping, not simply responding to, public opinion on the welfare state.     

‘Austria First’ revisited: a diachronic cross-sectional analysis of the gender and body politics of the extreme right

ABSTRACT

In this paper, Rheindorf and Wodak provide a discourse-historical analysis of extreme-right cultural politics in Austria, ranging from the blatant racism in the speeches of Vienna’s former Deputy Mayor Johann Gudenus (now MP in the Austrian parliament) to the construction of an idealized national body in the election campaigns of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), its programmatic agenda in handbooks and pamphlets, and the performances of far-right pop singer Andreas Gabalier. Rheindorf and Wodak argue that such cultural politics use a wide spectrum of discursive strategies both inside and outside established party politics and that the accompanying production of an ideal extreme-right subject is informed by nativist ideology. The cross-sectional analysis demonstrates that the cultural politics of the Austrian extreme right ranges from appropriated national symbols to coded National Socialist iconography. These politics pervasively construct a gendered and racialized national body, policed by a ‘strict father’ and nurtured by a ‘self-sacrificing mother’, vis-à-vis an apocalyptic threat scenario identified with migration, intellectual and political elites, cosmopolitanism and progressive gender politics.     

So far away from me? The effect of geographical distance on representation

Legislators face numerous trade-offs with regard to how to spend their time. One factor is, however, beyond their control: the distance between their constituency and the legislature. A more distant constituency implies increased travel, which decreases the time available for activities within the legislature itself, while also raising the possibility of centre–periphery dynamics in representation. Previous work has found that as distance between constituency and legislature increases, so does constituency focus, but it has not established why this is. This article explores the impact of geographical remoteness on representational activity, analysing a dataset of parliamentary activity in the British House of Commons (2005–2015), showing that the more remote an MP’s constituency, the less likely that MP is to attend votes, while being more likely to sign Early Day Motions. The article further shows that this is most likely driven by a centre–periphery dynamic rather than simply being a response to longer travel time.     

Alternative South–South development collaboration? The role of China in the Coega Special Economic Zone in South Africa

Aid, in the form of financial aid and investment, has become increasingly prevalent in both bilateral and multilateral partnerships in the BRICS. In Africa, the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation provides the official framings for forms of development assistance to the continent, with financial forms of aid available through the New Development Bank and the China–Africa Development Bank (CADFund). This article explores how Chinese international development assistance has influenced South Africa's economic growth and development strategies and is reshaping South Africa as “gateway” to Africa and continental leader. Special economic zones (SEZs) have become a prioritised form of BRICS development collaboration particularly in terms of Chinese trade and investment expansionism into Africa through South Africa. Chinese international development assistance and foreign direct investment in South Africa in particular are very notable and have been strengthened during the Chinese official state visit prior to the Johannesburg BRICS Summit in 2018. The article critically analyses the development policy discourse on BRICS spearheading an alternative model of South–South international cooperation by examining the Coega SEZ in South Africa, hailed as the most SEZ in Africa. The article critically examines the development alternative potential of the Coega SEZ.     

工业1.0到4.0演进视角下的劳动者无产阶级属性分析

在资本主义发展初期,资本家通过资本原始积累不断将劳动者从手工业工场和土地中赶到机器大工厂,产生了大量无产阶级工人。但是随着生产技术的飞速发展,尤其是信息经济和人工智能时代的到来,无产阶级工人又不断被机器所替代,被迫离开工厂。随着工业1.0向工业4.0的演进,企业的生产模式以及劳动者的无产阶级属性都发生了巨大的变化。商品的生产经历了“工场手工业机器大工业知识经济人工智能”四个时期的发展,而劳动者随着生产技术的进步也大致经历了“准无产阶级无产阶级半无产阶级去无产阶级化”四个阶段。工业4.0时代劳动者“去无产阶级化”的过程暗合从社会主义向共产主义过渡的演进逻辑,是实现社会主义市场经济下劳动者自由而全面发展的重要途径。