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81.
目的研究CyclinD1在人不同部位脑挫伤组织中表达的变化及其与损伤时间的关系。方法88例脑挫伤标本按损伤后存活时间0.5,1,3,24h和3,7,14,30d分为8个实验组,另以6例非脑挫伤的脑作为对照组,应用CyclinD1免疫组织化学并结合图像分析技术观察CyclinD1的变化。结果脑挫伤后,挫伤灶中央CyclinD1阳性细胞几乎丧失,1h后挫伤灶周围CyclinD1阳性细胞开始增加,3h~30d之间各组挫伤灶周围免疫阳性反应的细胞增加显著,在3h~30d一直维持在较高水平;CyclinD1主要见于小胶质细胞和其它胶质细胞,少数神经元也呈阳性。结论人脑挫伤后,CyclinD1在多种脑细胞内表达,以胶质细胞表达明显,CyclinD1阳性细胞在伤后不久即显著增加,故可作为早期脑损伤的诊断指标。 相似文献
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POPULATIONS: This study reports the genetic polymorphism observed at 15 short tandem repeat loci D3S1358, TH01, D21S11, D18S51, D5S818, D13S317, D7S820, D16S539, CSF1PO, vWA, D8S1179, TPOX, D2S1338, D19S433, and FGA in four aboriginal populations of Bengal. The analysis was performed to decipher the suitability of CODIS as well as six other highly polymorphic and unlinked markers in Forensic Testing. Studied populations include four tribes: Karmali, Kora, Maheli, and Lodha. 相似文献
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A 38-year-old diabetic woman developed hyponatraemia and fatal non-ketotic coma after elective cholecystectomy. At the autopsy, it was revealed that the immediate cause of death was cerebral oedema with secondary pontine haemorrhage. The cerebral oedema was associated with severe hyponatraemia and atrophy of the endocrine organs, including the adrenal glands. Biochemical analysis of serum taken immediately before death indicated that the primary defect was pituitary insufficiency, a recognised but rare complication of diabetes. 相似文献
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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(5):432-453
ABSTRACT In public the 37th President of the United States did not express hostility or disparagement, or show any signs of religious prejudice towards Jews. But inside the White House, Richard M. Nixon's remarks were often scurrilous. His antisemitism was not casual; it was close to compulsive. And it could be coupled with other seething grievances, for example, towards liberals, radicals, the media, Blacks and Italian-Americans. Yet Nixon controlled his antisemitism. It had no adverse effect on Jewish life, either at home or abroad. The malice that he nurtured remained unmobilized. Apart from a few limited personnel instances (mostly but not completely ignored by Nixon's underlings), it is impossible to connect private resentment to public policy, probably because the barriers to the expression of antisemitism in the United States have been so high. The ugliness of his utterances in the Oval Office revealed his character, but did not extend outward to shape the processes of governance. A disconnect can therefore be discerned between what he felt and how he acted. Most American Jews voted for Nixon's Democratic opponents in 1968 and 1972. But even Jews who voted against him, even those who loathed him, have often acknowledged that Nixon's policies fortified the security of Israel; and he was proud of his support for the Jewish state during the Yom Kippur War. What betrayed Nixon, and what forced him to resign the presidency, was his decision to instal a secret taping system in the Oval Office. When the tapes were played in 1974, he showed himself to be conspiring to obstruct justice. In subsequent years, further exposure of the tapes revealed the extent and intensity of Nixon's antipathy to Jews. The expletives that had to be deleted did much to besmirch the dignity of the office. But such was the stigma the political culture attached to antisemitism that, had his bigotry become public before 1968, Nixon's career would have been over. 相似文献
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蔡亮 《江南社会学院学报》2012,(1):32-35,53
TPP是一种旨在实现贸易、投资及人员往来等全面自由化的高水平自由贸易协定。野田内阁意图通过TPP提升日本企业的国际竞争力,推动国内农业的结构性改革,重振日本经济;在对外关系上,则欲借此修复巩固日美同盟,配合美国牵制中国的战略布局,并在未来亚太经济一体化的进程中占据有利位置。基于上述战略意图,尽管遭到日本国内长期依赖财政补贴及贸易保护的农业部门和希望继续维持现有医疗保障体系的医师会等团体的坚决反对,以致日本面临政治分裂的风险,野田仍作出了参加TPP谈判的政治决断。 相似文献