全文获取类型
收费全文 | 424篇 |
免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 91篇 |
工人农民 | 19篇 |
世界政治 | 49篇 |
外交国际关系 | 94篇 |
法律 | 57篇 |
中国政治 | 18篇 |
政治理论 | 81篇 |
综合类 | 20篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 8篇 |
2023年 | 7篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 7篇 |
2020年 | 23篇 |
2019年 | 24篇 |
2018年 | 19篇 |
2017年 | 34篇 |
2016年 | 18篇 |
2015年 | 7篇 |
2014年 | 21篇 |
2013年 | 106篇 |
2012年 | 20篇 |
2011年 | 27篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 22篇 |
2008年 | 9篇 |
2007年 | 18篇 |
2006年 | 7篇 |
2005年 | 20篇 |
2004年 | 14篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有429条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
Andrew Tait Jarboe 《圆桌》2014,103(2):201-210
Abstract Between October 1914 and December 1915, nearly 135,000 Indian riflemen—known as sepoys—fought in the trenches of France and Belgium at the battles of Ypres, Festubert, Givenchy, Neuve Chapelle, Second Ypres and Loos, suffering some 34,252 casualties. At a prisoner of war camp outside Berlin, Indian revolutionaries and emissaries from the Ottoman Empire attempted to convert the allegiances of the sepoys in their custody with a combination of pan-Islamic and nationalist appeals. Although this campaign ultimately failed, it profoundly shaped British repatriation policy at the end of the war when, cautioned Secretary of State for India Austen Chamberlain, the British could not allow men who had been exposed to ‘strongly hostile influences’ to return home unmonitored. The 1918 armistice and British repatriation policy therefore presented a host of new challenges to Britain’s colonial subjects from South Asia as they navigated the post-war imperial landscape and secured what was most important to them—safe transportation home. 相似文献
112.
Loraine Kennedy 《当代亚洲杂志》2020,50(5):743-760
ABSTRACT Anti-Special Economic Zone (SEZ) mobilisation in Haryana failed to generate a mass movement. This is despite the political strength of farmers and their deep resentment of the government’s policy to build up land reserves for industrial purposes. This article argues that there are two main reasons for this outcome. First, the state government put in place a series of significant policies to compensate landowners and give them a stake in the industrial project, primarily through payment of an “annuity.” Second, the main anti-SEZ movements were led by dominant landowning castes who did not incorporate the concerns of landless labourers and tenant farmers who faced equally or even more dire consequences from the government’s land acquisition policy. Moreover, mobilisation relied on traditional caste institutions such as khap panchayats and farmer unions strongly associated with Jats, rather than adopting a more broad-based approach. Entrenched caste animosity and pre-existing conflicts of interest between landed Jats and Dalits, who have traditionally worked as agricultural labourers, further explain the limited scope of the mobilisation among rural groups. The analysis underscores how hierarchical relations shape social movements, define the claims they make and ultimately impact their effectiveness. 相似文献
113.
Raju J. Das 《当代亚洲杂志》2019,49(2):313-328
ABSTRACTThe right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party won India’s 2014 general election by promising development for all. Such promises have generally turned out to be empty. A recent nationwide survey shows that there is widespread disenchantment with this government. This article briefly discusses the disappointing economic and social-political record of the government. Based on empirical information from the above-mentioned survey, it then discusses how the dismal development record is registering in the minds of people who are becoming disillusioned with the government. The article also provides some general reflections on the government, including on the internal connection between government’s pro-business nature and its Hindu nationalist-sectarian character spreading religious hatred and division. 相似文献
114.
张燕清 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2004,(3):64-68
本文从17世纪英国东印度公司的建立与兴起、对外贸易的指导思想、对华茶叶贸易的发生和发展等方面探讨了英国东印度公司对华茶叶贸易起源问题。 相似文献
115.
Munmun Jha 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):205-218
This paper portrays the nature of child workers in India and seeks to understand its many complexities. It looks at the definition
of child labour, the extent of its prevalence, the reasons why children work, and the occupations they are engaged in. It
outlines India’s position on international obligations, its expanding domestic laws, and the tardy implementation of these
laws. It examines some of the inherent cultural constraints and the role of values and beliefs in perpetuating child labour.
It analyses the relationship between education and child workers, and a possible solution in the form of compulsory education.
The paper emphasises that child workers in India are from the marginalized sections and do not work out of choice. It stresses
that this phenomenon is, above all, a problem for the children. The paper concludes by advocating the need to discard attitudes
that are discriminatory or rationalise abuse, and the need to adopt a rights-based, child-centred approach to counter the
increasing number of child workers.
相似文献
Munmun JhaEmail: |
116.
殖民主义是根源——析《印度之行》 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
在一些人看来,《印度之行》中的英国殖民者和印度人民之间存在着一条几乎无法逾越的鸿沟,这是由于英国人缺乏同情心,缺乏想象力和印度人的善意、真诚而缺乏实际能力的精神状态之间的矛盾所造成的。本文不赞同这一观点。笔者认为:两者之间的矛盾根源于英国的殖民主义和由此产生的种族歧视。 相似文献
117.
冷战后 ,印度把争当安理会常任理事国作为其大国战略的有机组成部分。印度的“常任”诉求难以回避与德、日、巴 (西 )等候选国的竞争和博弈 ,更要取决于印度与五大常任理事国的关系互动。作为“五常”之一的中国就此应采取什么态度 ,关乎中国的战略利益。 相似文献
118.
Christopher Wallis 《Journal of Indian Philosophy》2008,36(2):247-295
This paper surveys the key terms śaktipāta and samāveśa (both of which refer to religious experience) in the primary sources
of Tantric Śaivism over several centuries of textual development, building up a theory as to their range of meanings. It specifically
focuses on their usage by Abhinavagupta (Kāshmīr, 10th century) by presenting a complete translation of chapter 11 of his
Tantrasāra. The paper thus serves to (a) illuminate the nature of spiritual
experience and the qualifcations for religious praxis in Śaivism, (b) give insight
into the worldview of the Tantric Śaivas, and (c) help in pinpointing a specific
and significant issue in the phenomenological study of religion generally.
An earlier version of this paper has been published in a somewhat different form in Evam: Forum on Indian Representations
vol. 4, published by Samvad India, New Delhi, India.
This paper could not have been written without two years of intensive study with Professor Alexis Sanderson of All Souls College,
Oxford, whose scholarship has proved essential in advancing my understanding of Śaivism. Also very helpful was Dr. Somadeva
Vasudeva, now of Columbia University, whose database and encyclopedic knowledge have been invaluable. The germ of the idea
for this article was suggested to me when Professor Paul Muller-Ortega (University of Rochester) first pointed out to me the
passage beginning at MVT 2.14. 相似文献
119.
120.
Karine Peschard 《The Journal of peasant studies》2017,44(1):144-168
Drawing on interviews with Indian and Brazilian farmers’ rights activists, lawyers, agronomists and plant breeders, this article aims at better understanding how farmers’ rights are protected on paper and implemented on the ground in these two countries. Brazil and India offer important case studies because they are biologically megadiverse countries, and because small farmers represent an important segment of the rural economy. In this article, I show that India has adopted an ownership approach to farmers’ rights, while Brazil leans towards a stewardship approach. Based on an examination of the progress made in enforcing these rights, I further argue that the stewardship model adopted by Brazil is more conducive to the realization of farmers’ rights, and I explore why this is the case. Finally, I show how farmers’ rights provisions in the Brazilian and Indian legislations represent fragile gains that could be curtailed by several bills currently under discussion in the field of seed and plant variety protection. 相似文献