台湾地景书写与文化认同研究

不同时期的文人对台湾地理环境与人文环境的描写,呈现出不同的台湾形象。地景书写是文学作品书写的重要面向。本文主要选取那些与文化认同密切相关的地景书写,以不同历史时段的文学作品为基础,阐述地景的变迁对叙事者书写文字符码的影响,叙事者的文化认同所影响的台湾地景书写变化的复杂路径,近20年来地景书写与台湾人的集体记忆和认同变迁存在的关系等问题,并经由对地景书写的美学符号分析,展演出文化关怀与认同的复杂变貌。     

宅基地管理与物权法的适用限度

对土地管理制度的既有讨论,通常是从宪法第10条出发,没有考虑宪法第6条对"生产资料的社会主义公有制"的规定,将"国家所有"与"集体所有"片面理解为民法所有权而忽视其所有制内涵。物权制度是所有制关系的法律反映,"生产资料的社会主义公有制"是超越新中国历部宪法和其它具体法律的基本宪法原则,运用物权规则完善宅基地管理制度,需以公有制为大前提。忽视公有制前提的物权化改革建议,陷入"私法‘宪法中立",的认识误区,加上对宅基地经济社会属性的误会,所提出的改革方案缺乏法理与现实依据。现有制度在实现社会财富公平分配、公共资源有效管理和农民权利保护等方面基本有效,下一步改革只需做局部调整而无需全盘重建。     

民事公益诉讼的功能承担与程序设计

民事公益诉讼的原告资格问题不属于诉讼担当,而属于实体适格问题。为此,立法者应当在实体法律规范中赋予"法定机关和有关组织"具体的实体请求权。而且,为了避免金钱损害赔偿带来的证明与分配上的困难,以及保证有关组织的独立地位,我国民事公益诉讼的请求权内容未来应当限定在"非金钱损害赔偿请求权"之上;仅例外情形才允许通过民事公益诉讼的途径主张"没收不当收益"请求权并上缴基金,这对于纠正市场失灵亦具有重要意义。此外,为了实现高水准的公益保护,我国还有必要增设有关既判力扩张与禁止滥诉的规定。总体而言,民事公益诉讼承担着"预防保护与监督"的功能,其与任意的诉讼担当、代表人诉讼、债权让与等制度共同存在,并分别在实现不确定人群的集合利益、少量确定人群的个体权利、大量不确定人群的大规模损害赔偿请求权以及大量不确定人群的小额损害赔偿请求权等领域发挥作用。     

环境群体性事件集体行动生成及消解:对典型个案的扎根分析

环境群体性事件一直秉持"污染侵害--群体施压"的逻辑框架,但与之相关的研究进路却忽略了对群体事件参与者内部动员、组织、集结及消解过程的分析。本文通过对大连"7·l6"海洋溢油事故后引发的渔民群体维权事件进行扎根分析发现,群体行动诱因、权变因素、群体行动共识形成、村庄网络化动员、集体行动生成、内部组织消解的核心范畴对环境群体性事件生成及消解有着显著影响,进而建构包含上述核心范畴的环境群体性事件参与者内部集结及消解路径模型,并阐释了模型中各因素内涵的相互关系。旨在研究结论对地方政府科学应对环境群体性事件具有一定的参考价值。     

The communitarian revolutionary subject: new forms of social transformation

Abstract

The hope for a unique revolutionary actor in the twentieth century evaporated as a result of the weaknesses of social organisations. This paper examines the potential of an almost-forgotten group of revolutionary actors – collectively organised and deliberately involved in processes of social and productive transformation with a legitimate claim to territory – whose present-day activities involve them in concerted processes to consolidate a different constellation of societies on the margins of the global capitalist system. Indigenous and peasant communities throughout the Americas are self-consciously restructuring their organisations and governance structures, taking control of territories they claimed for generations. They are also reorganising production to generate surplus, assembling their members to take advantage of underutilised resources and peoples’ energies for improving their ability to raise living standards and assure environmental conservation and restoration. These communities are not operating in isolation. They coordinate activities, share information and build alliances. Hundreds of millions of people are participating in this growing movement; they occupy much more than one-quarter of the world’s land area. There is great potential for others to join them, expanding from the substantial areas where they are already operational. Global social networks are ensuring that this dynamic accelerates.     

新冠肺炎疫情与全球安全文化的退化

安全文化是一个社群就怎样界定安全和安全威胁、怎样保障和实现安全所达成的主体间理解和共同知识。冷战之后,全球化推动了一个全球社会的初步形成,因之也催生了一种以开放安全、共同安全与合作安全为基本内容的合作型全球安全文化的雏形。但是由于全球治理失灵,不断出现且日益积累的全球性威胁得不到有效应对,民粹现实主义强势兴起,合作型全球安全文化屡遭重创,开始向以封闭安全、孤立安全、零和安全的冲突型安全文化转变,明显降低了国际安全合作的几率。抗击新冠肺炎疫情中的全球公共安全合作的失败就是一个明显的例证。虽然人类向共同体进化的历史大趋势不可阻挡,但在一段时间内,合作型全球安全文化与冲突型全球安全文化的激烈竞争将会是国际关系的新常态。     

Party competition and citizens' political attitudes in the American states

Democratic theorists argue that vigorous competition between candidates/parties is essential for democracy to flourish because it engages citizens' political interest and ultimately makes elected officials more accountable to their constituents. Using data on citizens' perceptions of government responsiveness to their political opinions from the American National Election Studies and the Ranney measure of party competition for control of state government, we examine the effects of competition on citizens' political attitudes from 1952 to 2008. Our analysis reveals that citizens feel government is more responsive to them when there is greater competition between the two parties for control of government in their state. However, this relationship is confined only to citizens who identify with the party that controls government in their state. We also find that the relationship between competition and efficacy is strongest among citizens with lower levels of education and income. These results suggest that vigorous competition for control of state government can have important implications for citizens' political attitudes.     

Co‐Production of Public Services in Australia: The Roles of Government Organisations and Co‐Producers

This article adds to the emerging empirical literature on citizen co‐production. Based on a telephone survey of 1000 Australian adults, it replicates a five‐country European study focusing on three policy domains: neighbourhood safety, environment, and health (Loeffler et al. 2008). It shows that individually performed and closely reciprocal activities with high levels of private value are performed the most often, whereas group activities producing mainly public value are the least performed. We found no evidence of a relationship between service satisfaction and co‐production, or between information provision/inclusion/consultation and co‐production, which challenges some of the previous literature on what might motivate citizens to co‐produce. Citizen self‐efficacy has a modest relationship with co‐production levels in each of the three policy domains. These findings have implications for policymakers, and pave the way for future empirical research in this field.     

Ingredients of institutional reputations and citizen engagement with regulators

The purpose of this study is to examine the link between the reputational components of efficacy and moral reliability of institutions, and citizens' compliance with institutional recommendations. Research on bureaucratic reputations highlights the significance of positive political reputations based on credibility and legitimacy, but the impact of these components is not systematically isolated and studied. We draw insights from political psychology to move beyond a positive‐negative valence‐based approach of reputation, and highlight the different effect of efficacy and moral reliability components of reputation on citizens' cooperation, engagement in water saving activities, and levels of complaints. We use the Cypriot Water Authority as a case study and inquire how its institutional reputation influences Cypriot citizens' behavior regarding water use. Our data was collected via a representative national survey administered to a random sample of 800 Cypriots in the spring of 2009 and show that favorable perceptions of particular components of institutional reputation shape the levels of satisfaction with specific organizational outputs.     

When actions speak louder than words: examining collective political protests in Central Asia

What explains the dynamics of contentious collective political action in post-Soviet Central Asia? How do post-Soviet Central Asian citizens negotiate the tensions between partaking in and abstaining from elite-challenging collective protests? By analysing cross-national attitudes in two Central Asian states, this article (1) systematically analyses the variation in collective protests by testing rival macro-, meso-, and micro-level theories; (2) reintroduces a conceptual and empirical distinction between low-risk and high-risk collective protests; and (3) examines the conditions under which individuals participate in two distinct types of elite-challenging collective actions. Three conclusions are reached. First, the evidence suggests that nuanced consideration of multi-level theoretical perspectives is necessary to explain contingencies of elite-challenging actions. Second, economic grievances and resource mobilization emerge as leading factors driving both low-risk and high-risk protests. Third, Islamic religiosity and social networking robustly predict participation in high-risk collective action.