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91.
近年来,随着以微博为代表的自媒体技术的兴起和发展,打破了传统新闻媒体对舆论的控制以及对信息的垄断,往往推动突发事件快速形成并使事态发展难以预测,继而引发公关危机,给公安机关应对和有效处置涉警危机带来难度。本文以大连市公安局处置2013年"刘巍巍下跪维权"事件为例,就公安机关应对自媒体时代突发事件引发的公关危机策略作一些探讨。  相似文献   
92.
MEDIA DIGEST     
正Yangtze River Ecology Oriental Outlook December 19In today’s China,experts on water conservation seem to have become enemies with experts on ecological conservation.In 2013,discussion on the collapse of the ecological system in the Yangtze River once again triggered a conflict between the two groups.  相似文献   
93.
非法证据排除制度是证据法学研究的重要内容,其不仅是证据法学科学化发展的产物.也是人权保障的机制化需求。2012年通过的新刑事诉讼法,以法律形式确立了非法证据排除制度.这不仅是《宪法》关于“尊重和保障人权”原则的具体化,也是人权保障建设在刑事程序法上的职能延伸。本文通过对此次立法有关非法证据排除制度的解读,进而探讨非法证据排除制度的人权价值基础.从而揭示非法证据排除制度对人权保障机制建设的作用和功能。  相似文献   
94.
商标的域名抢注行为是否构成侵权 ,取决于域名权是否被作为一种民事权利来看待 ,这在我国立法上还是空白 ,法院也基本持否定态度。本文通过中、美、英等国个案比较的研究方法提出了作者见解 ,认为应保护域名权 ,并提出立法建议。  相似文献   
95.
Do formal deliberative events influence larger patterns of political discussion and public opinion? Critics argue that only a tiny number of people can participate in any given gathering and that deliberation may not remedy—and may in fact exacerbate—inequalities. We assess these criticisms with an experimental design merging a formal deliberative session with data on participants’ social networks. We conducted a field experiment in which randomly selected constituents attended an online deliberative session with their U.S. Senator. We find that attending the deliberative session dramatically increased interpersonal political discussion on topics relating to the event. Importantly, after an extensive series of moderation checks, we find that no participant/nodal characteristics, or dyadic/network characteristics, conditioned these effects; this provides reassurance that observed, positive spillovers are not limited to certain portions of the citizenry. The results of our study suggest that even relatively small-scale deliberative encounters can have a broader effect in the mass public, and that these events are equal-opportunity multipliers.  相似文献   
96.
While individuals who are exposed to political discussion are more politically active, analytical biases make it difficult to show evidence of causation. It is also uncertain how long the relationship between discussion and participation lasts. Here both questions are addressed with panel data collected from individuals who were randomly assigned to their college dormitories. The data show that exposure to political discussion in college leads to higher levels of participation, immediately while still in college and years into the future after graduation. As political behavior is habitual, the initial increase in participation after being exposed to political discussion is a mechanism underlying the long-run relationship between discussion and participation.  相似文献   
97.
民主监督由来已久,参政党履行政治协商、参政议政职能的实质也是民主监督,参政党民主监督的对象、内容、方式、性质和依据;参政党的民主监督要在对决策执行的监督方面发挥更大作用。  相似文献   
98.
暴力犯罪的内涵与外延   总被引:13,自引:0,他引:13  
林亚刚 《现代法学》2001,23(6):138-142
本文认为我国理论上对于暴力犯罪的界定存在值得商榷之处 ,对暴力犯罪的界定 ,重要的并不在于刑法分则条文本身是否明文规定以暴力为犯罪构成要件 ,而在于行为人在实施犯罪时所采取的是否为暴力行为。并根据我国刑法的规定对“暴力犯罪”的范围以及“暴力”的内涵予以分析 ,在此基础上进一步论述了几种法律明文规定的暴力行为。  相似文献   
99.
本文就金融诈骗罪存在的若干疑难问题进行了探讨 ,对金融诈骗罪的主观目的、罪数形态、犯罪数额和共犯形态等问题提出了自己的观点和认识。  相似文献   
100.
Beck  Paul A. 《Political Behavior》2002,24(4):309-337
Drawing on data from a unique study of the 1992 American presidential election, this article demonstrates that personal discussion networks influence voting behavior, independent of candidate evaluations and partisanship. These social networks encouraged two different kinds of defections from otherwise-expected behavior. People were more likely to vote for Perot if their personal discussants supported him and to convert preferences for him into a Perot vote on election day. Partisans also were more likely to defect to the other major party if their discussion network failed to fully support the candidate of their own party. These results withstood controls for candidate evaluations and partisanship as well as for selective exposure to discussants and selective perception of their preferences. They show the importance of adding social context to personal attitudes, interests, and partisanship in explaining voting behavior.  相似文献   
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