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31.
曾柏苓 《中共云南省委党校学报》2001,(4)
世纪之交西欧社会民主党经过转型变革后走出危机焕发生机,活跃于西方政坛。在这种“神奇回归”现象当中,个别的则恰恰与之相反。本文试图通过对奥地利社会党下野原因的个案分析与西欧社会党及其社会民主主义新变化新特点的论证,探讨其兴衰成败的规律。 相似文献
32.
二战中罗斯福奉行"先欧后亚" 战略之原因探析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
黄光耀 《南京政治学院学报》2001,17(6):70-73
二战中罗斯福奉行的"先欧后亚"战略,既是美国全球战略的具体体现,又反映了国际社会主要矛盾的发展,同时中国人民的抗日战争也为该战略的实施提供了良好的条件. 相似文献
33.
Maurizio Ferrera Anton Hemerijck Martin Rhodes 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2001,3(2):163-190
This article examines the prospects for European welfare states in the context of globalization. It begins with a critical review of the globalization arguments. While there is some evidence that external constraints make life harder for policymakers seeking positive-sum outcomes, it is the combination of national debt and spending limits, plus domestic tax resistance, that really count in making expenditure-based social and employment policies more difficult in certain countries. In understanding the constraints and opportunities that will shape Europe's welfare future, globalization—crudely understood—is therefore much less influential than many suppose. While EMU has radically diminished national autonomy in exchange rate, monetary policy, and fiscal policy, there are also beneficial consequences for social policy and broader economic management. On the employment and social policy side, initiatives required to match greater flexibility with sustained security are now at the top of the EU agenda, and mechanisms for diffusing best practice across Europe are being put in place. Within this framework, European welfare states must place more emphasis on dynamic equality, being primarily attentive to the worst off, more hospitable to incentive-generating differentiation, and actively vigilant with regard to the openness of opportunity structures. 相似文献
34.
Jonathan Zaragoza-Cristiani 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(4):59-75
The events that took place during the 2015-16 refugee crisis in the southeastern EU region boosted unprecedented bordering processes. Borders were reinforced and extended and a costly and difficult deal with Turkey was undertaken; the western Balkans were turned into a vast buffer zone made up of multiple buffer states with fences of all types and sizes; while Greece was ring-fenced and to this day struggles to manage thousands of refugees stranded in camps all over its territory. By seeking to contain the refugee flows, the EU turned its southeastern region into a fortified EU borderland. 相似文献
35.
Jonathan Holslag 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(1):46-60
For all the promises of mutually beneficial cooperation, Chinese policy documents about the New Silk Road, also called ‘One Belt, One Road’, mostly testify to a strong ambition to unlock foreign markets and support domestic firms in taking on foreign competitors. This confirms China’s shift from defensive mercantilism, which aims to protect the home market, towards offensive mercantilism, which seeks to gain market shares abroad. In a context of global economic stagnation, this comes as a major challenge to Europe. As China’s market share grows spectacularly in countries along the New Silk Road, key European member states have both lost market shares and even seen their exports shrink in absolute terms. 相似文献
36.
37.
Laure Neumayer 《Nationalities Papers》2017,45(6):992-1012
The European Parliament (EP) adopted, between 2004 and 2009, a series of resolutions calling for recognition of Communist crimes and commemoration of their victims. This article focuses on an overlooked aspect of anti-Communist activism, the awareness-raising activities carried out by some Central European Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) to perpetuate the cause through networks that enable them to exchange institutional credibility, scientific legitimacy, and policy-oriented knowledge with Institutes of National Memory, parts of academia, and victims associations. Although they use the techniques of expertise and scandalization that are often effective in European institutions, these memory entrepreneurs have largely failed to further their claims in the European Union (EU) after 2009. In line with the turn toward “practice” in EU studies and the increased attention paid to agency in memory politics, this article contends that the conditions of production of their narrative of indictment of Communism accounts for this relative lack of success. Because their demands produced a strong polarization inside the EP while colliding with established Western patterns of remembrance, these MEPs’ reach remains limited to their Conservative peers from the former Eastern bloc. This weak national and ideological representativeness hinders their capacity to impose their vision of the socialist period in the European political space. 相似文献
38.
Mark TurnerAuthor Vitae 《Computer Law & Security Report》2009,25(1):101-105
This column provides a concise alerting service of important national developments in key European countries. Part of its purpose is to compliment the Journal's feature articles and Briefing Notes by keeping readers abreast of what is currently happening “on the ground” at a national level in implementing EU level legislation and international conventions and treaties. Where an item of European National News is of particular significance, CLSR may also cover it in more detail in the current or a subsequent edition. 相似文献
39.
Paul Blokker 《Contemporary Politics》2008,14(2):161-178
Democratization studies endorses a liberal view of democracy and political culture. Insufficient notice is taken of alternative models of democracy. I argue that a ‘multiple democracies’ approach that takes potential variety in democratic political cultures into account has three advantages over the conventional approach: it is sensitive to the historical and contextual nature of democratic regimes, it takes a dual imaginary into account, and it is able to conceptualize the emergence of innovative forms of political culture. Instead of a ‘model approach’, I suggest a multiple democracies approach that identifies political cultures by means of available patterns of cultural repertoires or ethics of democracy. 相似文献
40.
Jane Freedman 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):413-433
Criticisms have been made against international laws and conventions on asylum and refugees, arguing that these have been
based on a male model of definition, which have ignored women’s persecutions. This article will argue that recent developments
in European asylum policy have the potential to deepen this discrimination and to further reduce the rights of female asylum
seekers. Although there have been some positive developments in jurisprudence that have recognised that gender-specific persecution
may be the basis for granting asylum, these advances remain relatively sporadic and are undermined by the operation of random
and discretionary exercises of power by bureaucrats and decision makers in many cases. Further, although new developments
in asylum policy are in theory “gender neutral,” differences in the material circumstances of men and women who arrive to
seek asylum may mean in effect that the implications of these policies are deeply gendered.
相似文献
Jane FreedmanEmail: |