September 11th and U.S. Hegemony—Or Will the 21st Century Be American Too?

The tragedy of September 11 highlights the stark contrast between the real and measurable capabilities possessed by one state, and the almost inevitable resentments which the possession of those capabilities engendered in others. The purpose of this article is not to interrogate the strengths and weaknesses of arguments of American decline. Nor is it to speculate at length about September 11th. It is instead to set the scene and try and identify the underlying causes of America's transition from presumed crisis in the 1970s and 1980s to new self-confidence in the 1990s—a self-confidence that some now feel has been shattered by the events of September. While there were important structural reasons why the United States was unlikely to go the way of other powers, it was a peculiar conjuncture of mainly unforeseen developments that combined together after 1989 to improve the U.S. position within the world. We will then move on to discuss the most effective way of characterizing this position. Here, we will mount a defense of the somewhat contentious notion of "hegemony" While recognizing the problems associated with the idea, it will be argued that as a concept it has serious intellectual advantages over its various theoretical competitors. If nothing else, because it focuses on the American role within the world system, rather than just its statically defined position, it is theoretically more suggestive than the less dynamic idea of unipolarity.     

美国霸权与中国崛起

在分析美国霸权与中国崛起的关系时,可以得出3点结论。首先,在相当长的时间内,中国崛起对美国的机制霸权、经济霸权、政治和意识形态霸权、军事霸权都不构成严重挑战;在美国构筑的全球霸权体系下,中国也还有相当大的崛起空间。其次,中国崛起对美国在亚太地区的霸权地位形成结构性的挑战。最后,从思维框架上说,我们既不能丢弃对国际权力格局的传统分析方法,以为信息和思想的沟通以及经济等领域的国际合作能够自然生成国家间的友好关系,消解国际冲突,也不能忽略国家及其以下的行为体的主观能动作用,以为权力格局的变化必然造成国际秩序的混乱。现在,中美领导人都认识到两国相互对抗的危害性,因此中美关系有望继续维持稳定,并逐渐建立起更为稳定的战略框架。     

“拒绝衰落”与美国“要塞化”：特朗普的大战略

美国是大战略理论与实践的重镇。冷战结束后，“自由霸权主义”构成了美国大战略的基本内涵。在相对权势有所衰落的背景下，特朗普政府于2017年12月提出的新版《美国国家安全战略》体现出美国大战略转型的端倪。该战略是对“自由霸权主义”的颠覆：除在战略目标(追求或巩固世界霸权地位)大体一致外，该战略极力强调美国安全环境的恶化和外部挑战的大幅增强，在战略路径上主张单方面强化美国的经济与军事实力，放弃多边主义，撤回对国际机制的支持，以期在未来的大国竞争中取胜。特朗普的战略存在内在的缺陷，效果亦存在颇多不确定性，与国际政治经济发展趋势明显相悖，对中国国家安全环境产生了较为直接的影响。     

Inclusive Masculinity Theory: overview,reflection and refinement

In 2010, this journal published an early exposition of inclusive masculinity theory. Since then, the theory has been widely adopted within both the sport and masculinities literature. Furthermore, a large number of other scholars not using the theory have also documented and labelled new masculinity types. There has also been refinement of Inclusive Masculinity Theory, alongside theoretical critiques. In this article, we provide an overview of the genesis of the theory and its refinement, before considering and responding to published and unpublished critiques of the theory. We then suggest future directions for research.     

State–peasant movement relations and the politics of food sovereignty in Mexico and Ecuador

This contribution argues that the articulation between the state and peasant organizations’ internal structures – the class characteristics of their mass bases, their leaderships and the modes of interaction between the two – is critical for determining the nature of contemporary struggles guided by the discourse of food sovereignty. It will show that that counter-hegemonic demands are not synonymous with counter-hegemonic practice; rather than struggling to replace the neoliberal food regime, many peasant organizations employ the food sovereignty discourse as a political tool in their negotiations with the state in order to access resources from within the prevailing neoliberal model, not to transform it.     

美国强大的原因及发展趋势

美国强大的原因可以从势、道、制、术、器与士（即国际格局与国际力量对比、美国的意识形态与核心价值体系、政治经济与社会制度、科技与战略政策制定、经济与军事硬实力、人才培养与储备机制等方面）进行分析。由于新兴国家崛起，美国单极体系已经终结，美国霸权相对削弱，但是美国仍将在相当长的一段时间之内维持“一超”的地位。从劳动生产率、基础科研实力及研发投入、高等教育体系、外资投资环境、人口结构以及新兴产业等因素考察，美国经济长远来看仍具有较大的相对优势。未来美国霸权依然存在，美国二战后所确立的以“结构自由主义”为特征的国际秩序是美国霸权能够持久的最重要的基础，也是二战后西方国家之间的关系能够超越“零和”博弈格局的重要原因。美国对华战略并非遏制，而是“对冲/两面下注”。中美之间存在超越历史上传统大国“零和”博弈的可能，中国领导人提出建立中美新型大国关系的建议反映了这种战略远见。     

Conflict reduction by mutual disengagement

This study attempts to discover what variables, if any, will induce opponents to cooperate. The author isolated 12 independent variables and grouped the first five together in his refined model as variable 6. The remaining variables are: worthlessness, supervision, conspicuousness, previous neutralization, absence of internal segmentation, military potential, and tradition as a neutral. Analysis was limited to bivariate relationships between the independent and dependent variables (i.e., possible outcomes). Cases tested included examples from the outbreak of World War I to the present. The author discovered that disengagement would most likely succeed in a geographically and ideologically distinct Country, one previously neutralized, that had little military value, a politically organized population, and some military capacity. The most unpromising candidate would lack clearcut ethnic borders, internal homogeneity, and political unity. Disengagement, while no panacea, offers the advantage of many opening moves in a conflict reduction situation.     

国际关系学科中美国的知识霸权

美国国际关系研究在国际关系学科中是否处于知识霸权地位,是国际关系学者关注的主题之一。本文试图比较欧美学术期刊以探讨此问题,即《国际研究季刊》、《国际组织》、《欧洲国际关系》、《国际研究评论》。本文选取上述四份权威期刊在1997年-2006年期间所刊发的论文为分析文本,侧重分析论文作者的国籍、研究主题及研究方法,进而探讨美国国际关系研究在学科中地位的变化问题。进而尝试从不同角度探讨如何改变美国知识霸权的路径,包括对美国国际关系研究的优点及缺失的充分认识、国际关系学科史的重述等问题。     

战后美国霸权的经济实质及其未来——重读列宁《帝国主义是资本主义的最高阶段》的启示

运用列宁关于帝国主义的思想来剖析今天的美国霸权,仍然具有重要的理论意义和实践价值.战后美国霸权的经济实质是美元霸权.美元霸权推动美国经济日益加深其寄生性和腐朽性.美国维系美元霸权,追求垄断利润的目的,日益推动其成为21世纪全球战争的最大策源地,并将最终导致美国的衰落.     

西方文化霸权的运作程式和理论形态

在全球化的时代,西方文化霸权已经成为一个日益凸显的国际关系问题,他们以媒介霸权为技术基础,以话语控制为基本途径,把自己的意识形态、文化价值观在被输入国的广泛渗透,以种族优越论、文化至上论、文明冲突论等为理论支撑,实现自己文化霸权的目的。了解了西方文化霸权的基本程式和理论基础,我们要更加自觉地捍卫自己的文化主权。