新时代推进全球治理法治化的中国方案

国际法治是全球治理在国际法规、制度层面的重要方法和路径,推动国际法治建设对完善国际秩序和全球治理体系的意义重大。党的十八大以来,以习近平同志为核心的党中央先后提出了一系列国际法治建设的新理念,致力于为不断解决全球性问题、完善全球治理体系贡献中国智慧和中国方案。在理论层面,中国主张强调以《联合国宪章》、和平共处五项原则等公认的国际法规为准则,倡导创设民主、科学、公正的国际良法,统筹推动国内法治与国际法治、国际硬法与国际软法的共同发展,为实现全球良法善治提供方向指引。在实践层面,中国不断提升推进国际法治建设的能力和水平,不仅在国际立法方面,而且在解决国际争端、国际人权保护和共建“一带一路”等领域都积极贡献自己的力量,推动了国际法治体系的完善和法治合作机制的创新,成为国际法治建设和全球治理变革的积极参与者和推动者。习近平关于国际法治立场观点的提出,构成国际法治建设中国方案的主要内容,其对于中国提升解决国际问题和维护国家利益的能力、促进国际秩序和全球治理体系的民主化发展、推动构建人类命运共同体,具有深远影响。     

基于学科价值的行政管理专业人才培养模式变革

近年来,行政管理专业的发展遇到了很多问题,许多高校甚至开始考虑撤掉这个专业。诸如在人才培养目标定位模糊、课程设置泛化、教学过程僵化等方面,行政管理专业的问题愈发凸显。面对这一现实,行政管理专业迫切需要寻求自身存续和发展的突破点,回归专业建设之初的本心,重新追溯、审视、反思其学科价值,在对自身知识价值、育人价值及发展价值的追问、探讨、澄清、挖掘中寻找摆脱现实困境的方法,在此基础上对人才培养模式予以调整、重塑与变革。从学科价值的角度来说,这不仅体现的是一个专业对于社会的责任、对于学生的责任,更是对于自身存续发展的责任。     

从动员参与到合作治理:社会治理共同体的实现路径

社会治理共同体是新时期我国社会治理的重要主体,也是国家治理和基层治理现代化建设的重要研究对象。基于对S省Z市“民生微实事”项目的案例分析,提出“能力建设-惯习积累-信任强化”的分析框架,揭示了多元主体成长为社会治理共同体的机理,丰富了“主体关系”和“行动方式”的研究视角。研究发现,多元主体基于资源优势互补与主体责任再塑加强了能力建设,能力的提升使其有意愿并且能够建立合作关系;政府通过规则调适以及持续的参与激励来培养多元主体的合作惯习,有助于促进合作行动;共同议题下的利益相容和由参与效能感形成的良性循环会强化信任,进一步增强多元主体间的合作关系和合作行动,进而形成稳定、可持续的合作治理常态,使社会治理共同体得以实现。     

Reproductive health services: “Business-in-a-Box” as a model social innovation

Access to reproductive health services and products in remote and rural communities is a critical area of concern for developing countries. This article considers a pilot intervention in three districts of Pakistan where “Business-in-a-Box” as a model of place-based social innovation is used to improve the socio-economic conditions of women in remote rural settings through socially responsible micro-franchising. It finds that such programmes help build a sense of community, ownership and grassroots capabilities and skills. The article also discusses the impacts of such actions on the individual and community life, and the need to upscale and sustain these initiatives.     

浮动抵押逸出担保物权体系的理论证成

具有担保功能的权利,并非都是担保物权。如果一项权利既不符合担保物权的特征,亦有违物权法的基本原则,就不属于担保物权。对比浮动抵押与担保物权的特征可以发现,浮动抵押有担保功能但并非担保物权。在民法典编纂背景下,宜将浮动抵押从担保物权体系剔除。考察比较法资料,结合“charge”的词源语义,遵循语言翻译的忠实严谨原则,宜将“floating charge”译为“浮动担保”而非“浮动抵押”。至于浮动担保何去何从,相对合理的方案是将其嵌入合同法域,规定于我国民法典合同编之“合同的担保”章节,以此彰显民法典的体系性与逻辑性。     

新冠肺炎疫情期间公安法医应当加强尸体甄别和个体防护

因鉴定体制特点,公安法医除参与尸体有关的现场勘查工作外,还需进行尸体检验工作。在此过程中,可能面对很多风险,受伤和中毒等事件时有发生。然而,国内公安法医对新冠肺炎等传染病流行期间死亡的尸体如何甄别进行尸体检验鉴定,对现场勘查及尸体检验工作的防护只有少量规定,且内容不够详尽。本文对法医在现场勘查中遇到的尸体及尸体检验中实验室建设、职业现状、风险评估及防范措施等进行了论述。最后,建议出台相关的制度规定等具体约束规范措施,以保障公安法医现场勘查及尸体检验工作的顺利进行,以解除基层鉴定机构和鉴定人的后顾之忧。     

Corruption,Party Leaders,and Candidate Selection: Evidence from Italy

Research indicates that voters are not particularly effective at removing corrupt politicians from office, in part because voters make decisions on the basis of many competing factors. Party leaders are much more single-minded than voters and will choose to deselect implicated legislators if it means maintaining a positive party reputation and improving the odds of winning a legislative majority. We examine renominations to Italy’s legislature in two periods marked by corruption. We compare these renomination patterns with those from the prior legislature, when corruption lacked political salience. Our analysis shows that incumbent renominations are negatively associated with the number of press mentions that link the incumbent to corruption—but only when corruption is salient to the public. Our study highlights the importance of party leaders in forcing malfeasant legislators out of office—and reducing corruption—and redirects attention from voters to political elites as a critical channel in enforcing democratic accountability.     

Hands-off or Hands-on Governance for Public Innovation? A Comparative Case Study in the EU Cohesion Policy Implementation in Finland

ABSTRACT

Public innovation is increasingly strived for by involving non-state agents in policy implementation. Public governance theory has assumed the public administration better govern the activity hands-off by providing incentives and pressure. The theory-driven research agenda has, however, not sufficiently put the assumption to test. This paper compares two similar public innovation projects in employment management of which one was governed hands-off and the other hands-on. The cases reveal several problems with hands-off governance eventually risking innovation while hands-on governance consistently support innovation. Contrary to previous assumptions hands-off governance through competition in a complex environment confound the objective of the project. Hands-on governance, meanwhile, provide information and support that help the project to experiment and learn. The public governance theory should recognize the innovation potential of hands-on governance in the often complex public sector and be wary of mixing hands-off and hands-on governing techniques.     

寻找商业目标与公司合规之间的最大公约数

作为现代城市治理的题中应有之义,商业合规变得日益重要。除了外在讨论商业合规的传统视角,从公司内部视角讨论"在什么条件下"商业合规更容易、更可能实现的内在驱动机制,是一个十分关键的问题。两个研究小组围绕商业合规进行了全面分析,同时结合国内外商业合规研究的最新动向,探讨了如何建立商业合规的"高效认知界面",提出了一种公司更愿意合规的认知行为界面偏好的方法,改变以往强调商业合规的"硬干预"、"强干预"的窠臼,走向更为符合商业合规选择偏好的"软干预"、"弱干预"的范式。在此基础上,寻找到让赢利与合规目标之间达成最大公约数的具体实现方案。     

Discrimination and ethnic conflict: a dyadic analysis of politically-excluded groups in sub-Saharan Africa

ABSTRACT

The literature on political exclusion and conflict tends to treat grievance-based mechanisms with broad-brush strokes and does not differentiate between types of political exclusion. This study disaggregates politically-excluded groups into two subgroups: groups that experience political discrimination from the state, and groups without political power that are not explicitly discriminated against. We posit that discriminated groups are more likely to experience grievances and therefore are more prone to conflict than excluded groups that are not actively discriminated against. We further posit that the effect of discrimination on conflict is moderated by interactions with economic inequalities and the share of elites. Using dyadic data for 155 ethnic groups in 28 Sub-Saharan African countries, we find that among politically-excluded groups it is indeed discriminated groups that are responsible for most of the association between political exclusion and conflict. Groups that face active, intentional, and targeted discrimination by the state are significantly more likely to be involved in conflict than excluded groups who do not face this explicit form of discrimination. Additionally, we find that discriminated groups who also experience economic inequalities are less likely to engage in conflict, whilst an increased presence of elites within discriminated groups can precipitate the chances of conflict.