全文获取类型
收费全文 | 186篇 |
免费 | 17篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 13篇 |
工人农民 | 4篇 |
世界政治 | 38篇 |
外交国际关系 | 6篇 |
法律 | 57篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 83篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 2篇 |
2019年 | 3篇 |
2018年 | 2篇 |
2017年 | 5篇 |
2016年 | 5篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 6篇 |
2013年 | 14篇 |
2012年 | 6篇 |
2011年 | 10篇 |
2010年 | 14篇 |
2009年 | 7篇 |
2008年 | 13篇 |
2007年 | 11篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 5篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 4篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 1篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
1964年 | 1篇 |
1959年 | 1篇 |
1958年 | 1篇 |
1954年 | 1篇 |
1952年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有203条查询结果,搜索用时 62 毫秒
1.
LORRAINE VAN BLERK JONATHAN MENDEL ANDREA RODRIGUEZ FERNANDO L. FERNANDES IRENE RIZZINI 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2019,38(3):284-299
Sport's transformative potential is known to support marginalised children, to deal with traumatic experiences and instil positive values; yet hosting mega sporting events (MSEs) can have negative impacts. Drawing on participatory research with favela‐based children during the 2014 World Cup in Brazil, this article argues that MSEs bring a macro‐securitisation of urban life, which causes considerable harm. This paper also suggests that the inclusion of children's voices in advocacy debates can challenge top‐down securitisation and might allow MSEs to foster further positive social transformation. Therefore, juxtaposed with causing harm, macro‐securitisations can open opportunities for children to take action and have their voices heard. 相似文献
2.
3.
4.
The main thesis of this papier is that nations need memoriesand that there is in many contemporary African states a needto create a memory of the period between independence and thereintroduction of multipartyism. That process often takes theform of inquests into human rights abuses which can result intrials. The trial in Malawi of six peopleincluding theformer president Kamuzu Banda and his most loyal follower J.Z.U.Temboon the accusation of conspiring to murder four politiciansin 1983 and to destroy relevant evidence is an example. Thisarticle discusses how the reactions of the present ruling party(UDF) and government and the previous ruling party (MCP) andtheir leadership to this trial differ. The trial is seen asa struggle about the interpretation of the past which is putin the context of the actual events in 1983 as these came outin the trial. The fundamental question which arose is whetherresponsibility for whatever happened in Malawi in that periodcan squarely be put in the hands of a trimuvirate which wasin total control of what happened or whether decision makingincludingthose concerning human rights abuseswas much more diffusedthroughout society. The first version of events lacks evidenceto substantiate it. The result of the trial was therefore anacquittal which was held up in an appeal by the state. The secondversion portrays Kamuzu Banda as a leader who could be deceivedby his environment, which is at variance with the way many Malawians,not exclusively MCP supporters, saw his role. 相似文献
5.
6.
HESTER M. VAN DE BOVENKAMP MARLEEN DE MUL JULIA G.U. QUARTZ ANNE MARIE J.W.M. WEGGELAAR‐JANSEN ROLAND BAL 《Public administration》2014,92(1):208-223
Since the 1980s, regulated markets and New Public Management have been introduced in the public sector across the world. How they have affected existing governance mechanisms such as self‐regulation and state regulation has remained largely unexplored, however. This article examines the origins and consequences of institutional layering in governing healthcare quality. Dutch health care, where a market‐based system has been introduced, is used as a case study. The results show that this market‐based system did not replace but modified existing institutional arrangements. As a result, hospitals have to deal with the fragmentation of quality demands. Using the concept of institutional layering, this study shows how different arrangements interact. As a consequence, the introduction of a certain policy reform will work out differently in different countries and policy sectors. Our ‘archaeological’ study in this layering can be seen as an example of how such incremental change can be studied in detail. 相似文献
7.
Stepping in the same river twice: Stability amidst change in Eastern European party competition 下载免费PDF全文
Party competition in Eastern Europe faces a seeming paradox. On the one hand, research finds increased political volatility in these countries, while, on the other, some authors demonstrate inherent ideological stability in the region. This research note presents a new methodological approach to adjudicating between these two findings, and suggests that while political organisations come and go, the ideological structure of party competition in Eastern Europe is strikingly steady. By developing a number of different measures of the dimensional structure of party competition, the consistency of the measures across countries, as well as their relative stability within countries over time, is demonstrated. The findings speak to current developments in Eastern Europe, and have implications beyond the region. The conclusion that even volatile party systems can be underpinned by stable ideological oppositions points to two different types of party system structure: one related to parties as organisations, and the other related to parties as expressions of political divides. 相似文献
8.
JOOST VAN SPANJE 《European Journal of Political Research》2011,50(5):609-635
Coalition governments in established democracies incur, on average, an electoral ‘cost of governing’. This cost varies across coalition partners, and is higher for anti‐political‐establishment parties. This is because, if such a party participates in a coalition, it loses the purity of its message by being seen to cooperate with the political establishment. In order to demonstrate that anti‐political‐establishment parties suffer an additional cost of governing, this article builds on the work by Van der Brug et al. and refines the standard cost of governing theory by ‘bringing the party back in’. The results of the analyses, based on 594 observations concerning 51 parties in seven Western European countries, cast doubt on the conventional concept of a cost of governing that pertains to all parties equally. The findings call for a major revision of the standard cost of governing literature, while adding a significant contribution to the debate on strategies against parties that may constitute a danger to democracy. 相似文献
9.
Abstract. The scientific debate about populism has been revitalised by the recent rise of extreme-right parties in Western Europe. Within the broad discussion about populism and its relationship with extreme-right, this article is confined to three topics: a conceptual, an epistemological and an empirical issue. First, taking a clear position in the ongoing definition struggle, populism is defined primarily as a specific political communication style. Populism is conceived of as a political style essentially displaying proximity of the people, while at the same time taking an anti-establishment stance and stressing the (ideal) homogeneity of the people by excluding specific population segments. Second, it is pointed out that defining populism as a style enables one to turn it into a useful concept that has too often remained vague and blurred. Third, drawing on an operational definition of populism, a comparative discourse analysis of the political party broadcasts of the Belgian parties is carried out. The quantitative analysis leads to a clear conclusion. In terms of the degree and the kinds of populism embraced by the six political parties under scrutiny, the extreme-right party Vlaams Blok behaves very differently from the other Belgian parties. Its messages are a copybook example of populism. 相似文献
10.