The basic law and the limits of toleration

Germany's Basic Law is claimed to represent a liberal‐democratic constitution. This article seeks to examine whether a constitution that permits the prohibition of parties (Art. 21.2 GG) and the suspension of individual rights (Art. 18 GG) deserves this label. The examination is based on the analytical framework provided by the liberal concept of toleration. For toleration to be a meaningful concept within liberal theory, it has to imply certain limits. The author concludes that the main purpose of Arts. 21.2 and 18 GG is to serve as a reminder of these limits of toleration while the practice of the Federal Constitutional Court reflects the liberal constraints on enforcing the limits of toleration.     

Die Rückkehr des befehlenden Staates? Muster und Ursachen der Veränderung staatlicher Handlungsformen in der deutschen Abfallpolitik

During the last 15 years, a shift in the relationship between state and society has been identified that can be characterized by an overall “retreat of the state”. The increasing use of co-operative policy instruments that do both, supplement and replace traditional authoritative measures, is one of the relevant manifestations of this change. However, most recent developments in German environmental policy in general and product-related waste management policy in particular reveal that this is all but an unambiguous tendency. After years of predominantly co-operative policy-approaches, there seems to be a revival of the authoritative state. The article analyses the patterns of change and presents reasons. In doing so, it challenges the popular functionalist hypothesis assuming that co-operative approaches arise from the functional needs of modern policy problems. Quite the contrary, the article draws on institutional factors — the European law in particular — and on party politics for explaining the identified change.     

A cross‐Canada analysis of the efficiency of residential recycling services

Abstract: The primary purpose of this article is to investigate the factors that predict the efficiency of residential recycling collection services in Canadian local governments. The findings are based on a survey of 128 residential recycling producers from all regions of Canada. One of the most significant findings is the lack of a relationship between private‐sector companies collecting recyclables and the overall efficiency of collection operations. The dominance of the private‐sector collection of recyclables (over seventy‐seven per cent of all producers were contracted companies) does not translate into greater efficiencies. The most important variables in the model are amenable to local control. They include tonnes collected per vehicle per year, requiring full bins, inclusion of composting operations in the overall recycling program, the number of different kinds of materials recycled, participation rate, and reliance on side‐loading collection vehicles. Among the direct predictors of unit costs, the key underlying factor is the productivity of residential recycling operations. Because recyclables are marketed, handling them takes time, reduces the weights that collection vehicles can carry, and generally reduces productivity. Even diligent efforts to improve productivity will not bring recycling costs down to the levels for residential solid‐waste collection. Sommaire: L'objectif principal du présent article est d'examiner les facteurs qui prévoient l'efficacité des services de collecte de produits recyclables résidentiels dans les municipalités canadiennes. Les résultats reposent sur un sondage réalisé auprès de 128 producteurs de collecte de produits recyclables résidentiels opérant dans toutes les régions du Canada. L'un des résultats les plus notoires est le manque de relations entre les sociétés du secteur privé qui récupèrent les produits recyclables et l'efficacité d'ensemble des opérations de collecte. La prédominance de la collecte de produits recyclables par le secteur privé (plus de soixante‐dix‐sept pour cent de tous les producteurs étaient des sociétés contractuelles) ne se traduit pas par une plus grande efficacité. Les variables les plus importantes du modèle peuvent faire l'objet d'un contrôle local. Elles comprennent les tonnes récupérées par véhicule par an, l'exigence de poubelles pleines, l'inclusion d'opérations de compostage au programme général de recyclage, le nombre de différentes sortes de matériaux recyclés, le taux de participation, et le recours à des camions de collecte à chargement latéral. Parmi les variables explicatives directes des coûts unitaires, le principal facteur sous‐jacent est la productivité des opérations de recyclage résidentiel. Comme les produits recyclables sont commercialisés, leur manutention prend du temps, réduit le poids que les camions de collecte peuvent transporter, et réduit d'une manière générale la productivité. Même des efforts diligents pour améliorer la productivité ne feront pas baisser les coûts du recyclage aux niveaux de ceux de la collecte des déchets solides résidentiels.     

Building informal knowledge‐sharing relationships between policy makers and academics: Insights from a PM&C engagement project

This article outlines an innovative project to encourage knowledge sharing and engagement between academics and a policy team within the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet (PM&C). The project was designed to enhance policy advice by drawing on a group of academics outside the policy ranks to act as a sounding board, to question, and provide differing perspectives within the policy process of crafting advice to government. External expertise and particularly academic research has the potential to improve evidence‐based policy but often fails to be specific or timely for those at the “pointy end” of policy decision making. An informal knowledge sharing framework has the potential to improve the exchange of information through confidential and targeted conversations between researchers and public servants as one way of overcoming these barriers.     

The new security in democratic South Africa: a cautionary tale

The broadened and deepened notion of security has been evolving in two dimensions, one primarily intellectual and the other concerned more with political practice and policy. This paper briefly describes these dimensions, and then critically examines the acceptance of the new notion of security in the form a security-is-development thesis in South African security policy. This case shows how the security-is-development thesis affects the functions of security agencies and legitimates their anti-democratic behaviour. The case serves as a cautionary tale about how an intellectual construct, movement and school, originally intended to be a critique of state behaviour, can become a tool of state power at the expense of democracy.