首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   4篇
  免费   3篇
各国政治   1篇
工人农民   1篇
法律   4篇
综合类   1篇
  2019年   1篇
  2017年   3篇
  2013年   1篇
  2011年   1篇
  2007年   1篇
排序方式: 共有7条查询结果,搜索用时 125 毫秒
1
1.
2.
The analysis of parliamentary debates is at the confluence of a number of developments in political science. What light can automated and semi‐automated techniques throw on such analysis? In this paper we compare two such approaches, one semi‐automated (Hamlet) and the other fully automated (Alceste). We use both approaches to identify the prominent themes in debate and to assess how far speakers who favour different positions adopt a distinct pattern of discourse. We seek to assess how far the two approaches yield convergent or divergent analyses. Selecting a second reading debate from the UK House of Commons on a private member's bill on abortion in July 1966, we are able to show similarities of analysis despite the detailed differences between the two approaches. In particular, the analysis in Hamlet al.lows identification of the extent to which individual speakers employ one type of vocabulary rather than another. Alceste is able to provide a statistical basis for the different classes of vocabulary that occur in the debate. However, the two programs rest upon quite different assumptions about the relationship between syntax and meaning, with implications for the practice of political science.  相似文献   
3.
It has become commonplace within disability sociolegal scholarship to argue that, in the last 30 years, a new legal and policy approach to disability has emerged, leading to a paradigm shift from a social protection framework to an antidiscrimination model. Some authors have stressed, however, that the new model has not fully replaced the older social protection approach. Yet little is still known about how the coexistence of these different models impacts on the everyday experience of disability in the workplace and on potential legal mobilization. Based on interviews with workers with disabilities who mobilized the law to obtain reasonable accommodation in Belgium combined with an analysis of evolving Belgian legal schemes relating to disability, this article explores how interactions between social, labor, and antidiscrimination rights shape legal mobilization of persons with disabilities in the workplace. We find that individual's initial self‐identification as workers or persons with disabilities influences how they frame their claim and the kind of legal norms they refer to in a first stage but that both their identification and their rights consciousness evolve and change through the course of legal mobilization as they interact with various professionals and navigate between the different concepts and rights available in current law.  相似文献   
4.
We studied (May–September 2014) all arrestees who reported mental health issues during the medical examination performed by a forensic physician for the assessment of fitness for detention. Among 4814 arrestees, 420 (9%) reported a current mental health issue. The suspected crimes among arrestees reporting a current mental health issue were more often related to violent behaviors (physical assault, 23% vs. 16%, p < 0.001, sexual assault, 3% vs. 1%, p = 0.01) and less often drug offenses (18% vs. 29%, p < 0.001). Among arrestees reporting mental health issues, 80% reported psychiatric or psychological care, of whom 33% reported previous mental health care. Decisions of unfitness for detention were more frequent among arrestees reporting mental health issues than in other detainees (3% vs. 1%, p < 0.001). The high proportion of patients with interrupted mental health care among those reporting mental disorders suggests that the medical examination during custody could be a significant opportunity to restore psychiatric care.  相似文献   
5.
In this retrospective study (11/2013–04/2014), we aimed to identify the factors associated with psychiatric hospitalization among detainees in police custody. We included 137 patients (M/F, 74%/26%; median age, 37 years), and 125 (91%) had a mental disorder. Seventy‐seven patients (56%) had involuntary hospitalization. Sixty patients (44%) were declared fit for detention, and 48 (80%) of these patients had a mental disorder. All patients who required urgent psychiatric care and could not provide valid consent for care were declared as requiring involuntary hospitalization. Forty‐nine of the 62 patients (79%) who required urgent psychiatric care and were suspected to have committed serious crimes were involuntarily admitted. In conclusion, we commonly found that some individuals with mental disorders were considered fit for detention in police cells.  相似文献   
6.
Aude Lejeune 《Law & policy》2017,39(3):237-258
This article argues that the analysis of legal mobilization needs to give more attention to the state and its relationship with social movements in order to examine how the state either sustains social movements’ demands or is a field of contention for those demands. Focusing on how disability bureaucrats and activists mobilize antidiscrimination law in Sweden, this article shows that two main factors shape legal mobilization within the bureaucracy and alter the state's ability to become a legal mobilization actor: (1) the institutional relationships between social movement organizations and government agencies and (2) the profiles and careers of bureaucrats and activists. It concludes by suggesting several lines for further research on law and social movements in nonpluralist countries.  相似文献   
7.
Abstract: The growing number of new immigrants settling in suburban communities has caused researchers and policy‐makers to shift their focus from large cities to the communities that surround them, thereby side‐swiping several stereotypes commonly associated with “white” and “wealthy” suburban cities in North America. My article responds to this recent interest by proposing an analysis of the public policies that apply to immigrants and ethno‐cultural minorities in Laval, north of Montreal. The article establishes that Laval has had a policy in place since the early 1990s, with a specific institutional configuration that changes over time. I discerned two institutional configurations shaping two distinct sequences for this policy. The first sequence (1990–2003) involved an institutional configuration that shut down the channels for the representation of the interests of immigrants and ethno‐cultural minorities on the municipal level, and the second sequence (2003–2009) was marked by the regionalization of the shutdown of the mediation channels for the representation of these interests. In each sequence, the shutdown of the mediation channels is illustrated in three areas of this public policy: intergovernmental agreements, the recognition of associations, and affirmative action in the municipal public service.  相似文献   
1
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号