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Berggren and Elinder (BE) in this journal write on the relationship between the degree of tolerance in a nation and its rate of economic growth. They are disturbed to find in their cross sections that faster economic growth statistically goes together with intolerance of homosexuals. In this comment, we revisit the issue and demonstrate that the concern expressed by BE is unwarranted if we properly account for ??conditional convergence?? in the regressions for economic growth. Other things being equal, a country grows faster if it starts from a poorer initial position. In the BE dataset, China since the Deng reforms is a prime example. At about the same time, another group of countries managed to accelerate their economic growth after a long period of stagnation: the ex-communist countries in central and Eastern Europe. Many of these nations also grew exceptionally fast for a number of years, once freedom had been regained and the initial chaos overcome. With simple modeling of these historical initial conditions, we find no statistical pattern that associates bias against homosexuals with weaker economic growth. Our results are robust under alternative specifications.  相似文献   
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Despite efforts to increase gender diversity and equality worldwide, women are still underrepresented in leadership positions in public bureaucracies. This article speaks to the debate on how organizational context, more specifically organizational decline, may influence gender representation in such leadership positions. Based on role congruity theory and glass cliff theory this article empirically examines whether and how excessive workforce reductions are associated with changes in the representation of women in leadership positions in Dutch civil service organizations. Panel analyses on administrative data show that women's representation in leadership positions varies over time, but is not significantly affected by excessive workforce reductions. Overall, the analyses do not provide evidence for a glass cliff for women in Dutch civil service organizations. Implications for theory and future research are discussed.  相似文献   
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This article explains the complex intertwinement between public and private regulators in the case of robot technology. Public policymaking ensures broad multi-stakeholder protected scope, but its abstractness often fails in intelligibility and applicability. Private standards, on the contrary, are more concrete and applicable, but most of the times they are voluntary and reflect industry interests. The ‘better regulation’ approach of the EU may increase the use of evidence to inform policy and lawmaking, and the involvement of different stakeholders. Current hard-lawmaking instruments do not appear to take advantage of the knowledge produced by standard-based regulations, virtually wasting their potential benefits. This fact affects the legal certainty with regards to a fast-paced changing environment like robotics. In this paper, we investigate the challenges of overlapping public/private regulatory initiatives that govern robot technologies in general, and in the concrete of healthcare robot technologies. We wonder until what extent robotics should be governed only by standards. We also reflect on how public policymaking could increase their technical understanding of robot technology to devise an applicable and comprehensive framework for this technology. In this respect, we propose different ways to integrate the technical know-how into policymaking (e.g., collecting the data/knowledge generated from the impact assessments in shared data repositories, and using it for evidence-based policies) and to strengthen the legitimacy of standards.  相似文献   
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This article envisions an iterative regulatory process for robot governance. In the article, we argue that what lacks in robot governance is actually a backstep mechanism that can coordinate and align robot and regulatory developers. In order to solve that problem, we present a theoretical model that represents a step forward in the coordination and alignment of robot and regulatory development. Our work builds on previous literature, and explores modes of alignment and iteration towards greater closeness in the nexus between research and development (R&D) and regulatory appraisal and channeling of robotics’ development. To illustrate practical challenges and solutions, we explore different examples of (related) types of communication processes between robot developers and regulatory bodies. These examples help illuminate the lack of formalization of the policymaking process, and the loss of time and resources that the waste of knowledge generated for future robot governance instruments implies. We argue that initiatives that fail to formalize the communication process between different actors and that propose the mere creation of coordinating agencies risk being seriously ineffective. We propose an iterative regulatory process for robot governance, which combines the use of an ex ante robot impact assessment for legal/ethical appraisal, and evaluation settings as data generators, and an ex post legislative evaluation instrument that eases the revision, modification and update of the normative instrument. In all, the model breathes the concept of creating dynamic evidence-based policies that can serve as temporary benchmark for future and/or new uses or robot developments. Our contribution seeks to provide a thoughtful proposal that avoids the current mismatch between existing governmental approaches and what is needed for effective ethical/legal oversight, in the hope that this will inform the policy debate and set the scene for further research.  相似文献   
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本文主要基于半结构化访谈的方法,对共计81名印尼外交官和学者的访谈内容进行分析。这两类人员代表着塑造印尼外交政策的官僚群体和非官僚行为者。本研究对受访者关于中国及其对外政策的认知进行实证研究。首先是分析受访者对于中国的总体印象,然后进一步研究他们对于中国外交政策行为的看法。可以说,从最初的认知分析出发,几乎所有受访者大体上都认为,中国是一个拥有巨大能力的国家。研究还发现,对中国持有较正面看法的人数,远远超过持负面看法的人,后者将中国看作是印尼当前的或潜在的威胁。就中国外交政策行为而言,绝大多数受访人认为,中国有着实现目标的决心、务实、拥有协调良好的官僚机构。他们认为,其他国家,包括印尼,在执行对外政策时也应该具备这些特征。本项初步研究所呈现的各种观点表明,至少在作为取样的受访人当中,关于中国形象的认知远非一致。不过,他们的中国认知也不能保证他们认为崛起的中国就是印尼应当依赖的唯一的信得过的合作伙伴。就此而言,雅加达和北京在外交和经济领域开展更多的互利互惠往来,将会为进一步改善印尼与中国的关系铺平道路。  相似文献   
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The scholarship on unrecognized or de facto states has been booming in the recent decades exploring this phenomenon from a variety of perspectives. Yet, as this article illustrates, a crucial accent on the instrumentalization of unrecognized states by regional actors – or, to put it differently, on unrecognized states as a source of coercive diplomacy – has been neglected. This article seeks to fill that gap by offering an empirical analysis of Russia’s instrumentalization of South Ossetia and Abkhazia as unrecognized states as a means of putting effective pressure on the Government in Tbilisi – usually with respect to issues unrelated to the unrecognized states themselves. More specifically, this article shows that Moscow has used three instruments (military deployment, passportization of residents of the unrecognized states and responsibility to protect).  相似文献   
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This work examines the moderator effect of sex and age on the relationship between different types of exposure to intimate partner violence (IPV) and child psychopathology and functional impairment. One hundred and sixty-six Spanish children aged 4 –17 years exposed to intimate partner violence were assessed using a diagnostic interview and other instruments for the measurement of psychopathology and functional impairment. Participants were classified in three groups according to the degree of exposure: witness (N = 77), involved (N = 63) and victim (N = 26). According to mothers’ self-reports and mother-child combined information, boy victims of IPV showed more mood disorders than involved or witness boys. There were no other moderator effects of either sex or age. The effect of exposure to intimate partner violence among children was not dependent, in general, on the child’s sex or age, and this has important implications for the assessment, treatment, and prevention of children’s exposure to IPV.  相似文献   
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