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In recent years the concept of parity democracy has rapidly risen up the European political agenda. Using a threefold typology of sex-quotas, this article undertakes a classification of the measures taken by the 15 old E.U. member states to improve the gender balance in representative assemblies. This is then used as the basis for an exploration of the advantages and disadvantages of the parity approach as a tool to promote gender equality, including the constitutional obstacles which stand in its way. The article goes on to present a comparative study of several national systems in which attempts to achieve parity democracy have been pursued, concluding that, in order to maximise their effectiveness, parity measures must operate within a system of unbiased political structures and be properly adjusted to suit the particularities of individual national electoral regimes. 相似文献
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Fabio Pascua Mateo 《European Law Journal》2022,28(1-3):63-88
In some Member States, doctrine and case law of national courts have highlighted that, under currently applicable European electoral law, elections to the EP are of a second-order, whereby European issues give way to purely domestic ones. In any event, this does not hinder the position of the EP as a genuine legislative chamber, which, above all, demands effects from electoral law that it cannot provide, since the intensity with which an election is experienced depends on circumstances external to the system itself. What electoral law can guarantee instead is the periodic holding of free elections. And that requires ensuring that the EP is appointed by the free expression of the opinion of all (and only) European citizens; that the weight of the vote is determined by rational criteria; that the electoral formula allows access to significant political currents; and that the “rule of law” is respected in the electoral process. 相似文献
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Journal of Chinese Political Science - Two burning academic and policy questions in the study of Latin American and Caribbean- China ties relate to the effects of China’s rising trade,... 相似文献
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James W. Schumm Ph.D. Cristina Gutierrez‐Mateo Ph.D. Eugene Tan Ph.D. Richard Selden M.D. Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(6):1584-1592
Different national and international agencies have selected specific STR sets for forensic database use. To enhance database comparison across national and international borders, a 27‐locus multiplex system was developed comprising all 15 STR loci of the European standard set, the current 13 STR loci of the CODIS core, the proposed 22 STR loci of the expanded CODIS core, 4 additional commonly used STR loci, and the amelogenin locus. Development required iterative primer design to resolve primer‐related artifacts, amplicon sizing, and locus‐to‐locus balance issues. The 19.5‐min assay incorporated newly developed six‐dye chemistry analyzed using a novel microfluidic electrophoresis instrument capable of simultaneous detection and discrimination of 8 or more fluorescent dyes. The 27‐locus multiplex offers the potential for a new international STR standard permitting laboratories in any jurisdiction to use a single reaction to determine profiles for loci they typically generate plus an expanded common STR profiling set of global interest. 相似文献
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Harmonising national sanctioning administrative law: An alternative to a single capital‐markets supervisor 下载免费PDF全文
Fabio Pascua Mateo 《European Law Journal》2018,24(4-5):321-348
Since the disclosure in 2009 of the Larosière Report, legislative acts disciplining financial markets have established a set of rules called to form the foundations of a sanctioning administrative law to be enforced by the Member States. Furthermore, the ECtHR and the ECJ, are contributing to apply here the guarantees of the Rome Convention and the Charter of Fundamental Rights. This study, in addition to giving account of such legislation and case‐law, aims to outline the broad principles of this new law, whose purpose is levelling the ‘playing field’ amongst NCAs and fostering supervisory convergence without creating new institutions. Should this ‘experiment’ be successful, and a new way of ‘cooperative federalism’ could emerge at a global level in the Union. Otherwise, further centralisation—which is neither possible nor desirable at this stage—should be expected in future years, with a sort of single supervisory mechanism in securities markets. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTInternational monetary organisations argue the ‘developing countries’ should foster linkages to the world economy as a means to overcome backwardness. In this article we refute the narrative that Mexico has experienced industrial upgrading. Rather, industrial growth in Mexico over the last 40 years has been shaped by neoliberal economic policies which have turned the Mexican economy into an export-led manufacturing platform designed to supply the North American market, sustained by a precarious labour market. As a result, Mexico occupies the most labour-intensive and low value-added segments of regional production chains. To make this argument, we perform an in-depth analysis of the Mexican automotive industry, demonstrating that instead of being an engine for domestic industrial development, the auto industry has become a dominant economic sector through productive hyper-specialisation concentrated in the northern Mexican border states, a reliance on transnational capital, particularly from the United States, a disconnect with domestic markets, and the super-exploitation of labour. 相似文献
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Since 2009, a cross-sectorial reform based on the New Public Management (NPM) principles introduced a performance management system in Italian universities. On the basis of the analysis of the documents regarding the performance management system produced by 60 public Italian universities as a result of the reform implementation, the paper investigates the performance management tools in relation to both completeness and use of them. The analysis highlights that the universities have implemented performance management tools in an unstructured and nonhomogeneous way. This allows formulation of hypotheses on the main determinants of this unsatisfactory result. 相似文献
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Interest groups differ in the strategies they use to influence public policy. Some mainly try to gain access (i.e., have direct contact with decision makers), whereas others tend to ‘go public’ by launching campaigns that aim to mobilise the broader public. In this article it is argued that group type – namely the distinction between business associations, professional associations and citizen groups – is a major determinant of the choice of strategy. The effect of group type, however, is conditional on the group's endowment with material resources and the issue context: the differences across group types are largest for resource‐rich associations and associations active in distributive policy fields. Original data from surveys of national associations in five European countries (Austria, Germany, Ireland, Latvia and Spain) enable the assessment of this argument. The theoretical expectations are supported, with the results having relevance for the normative evaluation of political systems and the positive study of interest group influence. 相似文献
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Mateo Mier y Terán Giménez Cacho 《The Journal of peasant studies》2016,43(2):419-441
Soybean production in South America has become a symbol of commodity crops produced on a large scale for the agribusiness geared to global markets. However, in practice, there are diverse styles of farming, ranging from the very large scale to the small scale, associated with different social relations of production. This diversity of farm types is often overlooked within the focus on the stereotypical large-scale farm. Any understanding of the social dynamics of relations of production and farming practices, and so insights into longer term trajectories of agrarian change, must also go beyond a simplistic dichotomous vision of large-scale versus small-scale farming. 相似文献