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1.
Asian Journal of Criminology - This study investigated and compared the prevalence of illegal drug use among students and detainees in Taiwan. Stratified sampling of schools in the major cities of...  相似文献   
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援助关系 对外援助通常与一个国家的经济实力有关。一个国家的经济实力越强大,它就能提供越多的援助。诸如美国、日本和某些西欧国家便是这方面的例子。援助通常也发生在友好国家之间。两个国家越是亲密,它们之间就越有可能互相援助。第二次世界大战之  相似文献   
3.
The interaction of welfare and child support regulations has created a situation in which child support policy's incentives that discourage unwed fatherhood tend to be stronger than its incentives that encourage unwed motherhood. This suggests that more stringent child support enforcement creates incentives that reduce the likelihood of nonmarital childbearing, particularly among women with a significant chance of needing public assistance in the event of a nonmarital birth and their male partners. We investigate this hypothesis with a sample of women from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, to which we add information on state child support enforcement. We examine childbearing behavior between the ages of 15 and 44 before marriage and during periods of non‐marriage following divorce or widowhood. The estimates indicate that women living in states with more effective child support enforcement are less likely to bear children when unmarried, especially if they are young, never‐married, or black. The findings suggest that improved child support enforcement may be a potent intervention for reducing nonmarital childbearing. © 2006 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.  相似文献   
4.
During the periods of July‐August 1995 and mid‐March 1996, China initiated a series of missile tests and military exercises in the Taiwan Strait, and the mainland for many was considered responsible for the rising tensions across the Taiwan Strait. But, Southeast Asian countries held Taiwan responsible for stimulating the mainland's military actions because of the island's claim for independence. Why? There are three different theoretical arguments on this issue, i.e. those of political primacy, economic determinism, and the separation of politics and economics. This paper contends that the principle of separation of politics and economics is the policy that Southeast Asian countries pursue in developing their relations with the PRC and the ROC, i.e. maintaining official and full‐scale relations with the PRC, but keeping unofficial and economic links with Taiwan. Therefore, for Southeast Asian countries, the PRC's military exercises in the Taiwan Strait were a political and not an economic problem, and one between the mainland and Taiwan. This is the key factor in explaining attitudes in Southeast Asian nations toward the Taiwan Strait crisis.  相似文献   
5.
绿色非政府组织是生态政治在实践领域最为活跃的行动者之一.面对资源动员和政治效力两种功能性要件,绿色非政府组织在行动的组织模式和压力方式上形成了交叉组合的现象,制度建设似乎正在逐渐取代对抗政治.在这种情况下,绿色非政府组织同时面临着政治机会和危险,一方面取得了实践资源和生态成果,另一方面也伴随着失去绿色非政府组织本身存在意义的危险.  相似文献   
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生态政治视角下的政府环境管理初探   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
全球环境问题和生态危机,引发了全人类的思考,引起了世界各国政府的普遍关注,由此政治进入生态领域,产生了生态政治理论,政府在生态环境管理中居于主导和核心的地位。本文从分析我国环境面临的危机和问题出发,阐述了政府在环境管理中的职责和必要性,提出了相应的对策和措施。  相似文献   
8.
This article reports on a research project that deals with howto ensure democratic accountability when military forces areused under the auspices of international institutions. The internationalcommunity has developed a range of ways in which military forcescan be used. States have also decided that in some cases militaryforces can be deployed to pacify intra-state as well as inter-stateconflicts. States have developed a mixed system to deal withthe issues of democratic accountability. Although military operationsare conducted under the auspices of international institutions,states maintain control over decisions to deploy their troops. Democraticcontrol and accountability have been maintained through national institutionsand procedures. International authorization, preferably by theUN Security Council, is important to establish internationaland domestic legitimacy, but it is not the essential mechanismfor ensuring democratic accountability.  相似文献   
9.
Lester Brown sounded an alarm in 1995: who will feed China? Against this backdrop, this contribution examines China's dramatic turn from having been a soybean net exporter, up until the mid-1990s, to being the biggest importer of genetically modified (GM) soybeans, since 2000. With China's growing soybean imports, domestic soybean production has experienced a drastic fall, creating an outcry about a ‘soybean crisis’ in China. This paper examines competing interpretations about China's soybean imports and how a wide arrange of heated debates and critical reflections have emerged about China's position in globalization, the role of the state in food security, the safety of GM foods, consumer rights, what constitutes scientific authority, and the power of transnational corporations. In these debates, Chinese critics have very different views about the US and South America, where significant GM soybeans are produced for export to China.  相似文献   
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