Nationalism, Regionalism, and State Institutions: An Assessment of Opinions in Spain

Acknowledging Spain's diversity, this article assesses the impactof nationalism, regionalism, and other factors on public opinionabout the country's young democratic institutions. Utilizingsurvey data, the analysis focuses on national and regional variationsin public preferences for central state institutions and federalistor other designs for state-regional relations. It concludesthat a strong base of support exists for the current democraticsystem and the institutions through which it is implemented.Nevertheless, some doubts remain about the basic state structureof central-regional relations.     

Measurement of arch widths in a human population: relation of anticipated bite marks

The authors compared arch width measurements of diagnostic dental models obtained from dental school patients. Arch width measurements were taken in the canine area on each dental cast in an effort to assist forensic dental investigators in matching certain classes of subjects to the bites they might possibly inflict. If any canine teeth were absent, the measurements were taken using other specified adjacent teeth which the investigators felt would be interpreted as the arch width determiners in a bite mark injury. The ages of the subjects varied from 14 to 87 years. Statistical comparison of the maxillary arch width, mandibular arch width, and the mean difference between maxillary and mandibular arch width were performed. Significant differences between the arch width measurements were found to exist between several classes of subjects based on race and sex.     

Do Rankings Matter? The Effects of U.S. News & World Report Rankings on the Admissions Process of Law Schools

In recent years, there has been a tremendous proliferation of quantitative evaluative social measures in the field of law as well as society generally. One of these measures, the U.S. News & World Report rankings of law schools, has become an almost obsessive concern of the law school community, generating a great deal of speculation about the effects of these rankings on legal education. However, there has been no attempt to systematically ascertain what, if any, effects these rankings have on the decisionmaking of students and schools in the admission process. This article documents some of these effects by conceptualizing rankings as a signal of law school quality, investigating (1) whether students and schools use this signal to make decisions about where to apply and whom to admit, and (2) whether the creation of this signal distorts the phenomenon—law school quality—that it purports to measure. Using data for U.S. law schools from 1996 to 2003, we find that schools' rankings have significant effects on both the decisions of prospective students and the decisions schools make in the admissions process. In addition, we present evidence that the rankings can become a self-fulfilling prophecy for some schools, as the effects of rank described above alter the profile of their student bodies, affecting their future rank. Cumulatively, these findings suggest that the rankings help create rather than simply reflect differences among law schools through the magnification of the small, and statistically random, distinctions produced by the measurement apparatus.     

Comparative political corruption: Issues of operationalization and measurement

As with other areas of comparative political inquiry, analyses of political corruption must carefully negotiate around numerous methodological issues. In this article, we focus primarily on problems of operationalization and measurement of corruption. We evaluate the major examples of cross-country measures of corruption that have recently emerged and review research that has incorporated the new measures. We end with a discussion of an alternative method for the cross-national measurement and analysis of corruption, one that might also facilitate the goal of establishing universal principles and causal claims about political corruption. Thomas D. Lancaster is associate professor of political science at Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia. His research and teaching interests include comparative politics, with a specialization in western and southern European politics, and the logic of comparative political inquiry. Gabriella R. Montinola is assistant professor of political science at the University of California, Davis. Her current research focuses on economic development, interest representation, and the causes and consequences of political corruption. She is the author or co-author of articles in various journals, includingWorld Politics, Journal of Democracy, andBritish Journal of Political Science. The authors would like to thank Richard Doner, Robert Jackman, and the editor and referees ofSCID for their helpful comments.     

End of moderation: the radicalization of AKP in Turkey

Turkey’s Justice and Development Party, AKP, was for many years believed to be paramount in ushering in a new era of moderate Islamism. However, in recent years, AKP has troublingly reversed course. From violent repression of the Gezi protests of 2013 to the 2016 abortive coup and subsequent crackdown on opposition, the party has lost all semblance of moderate Islamism and radicalized. If AKP had truly moderated, how could the party have changed in such a short period of time? What explains the radicalization of AKP? First, we argue that the strategic benefits of moderation far outweighed its costs, rendering it analytically improbable to determine whether AKP’s actions were genuine or merely strategic. Second, we show that AKP has been in a process of radicalization characterized by the adoption of anti-system, anti-democratic, and violent tactics and rhetoric since 2011. The disappearance of domestic and international structural constraints created the requisite background conditions for the party’s radicalization. Radicalization was facilitated by what we call ‘Erdoganization’, an ongoing de-institutionalization process within which Tayyip Erdogan gained complete control over the party. Additionally, a series of four “external shocks” threatened the party’s primary goal of gaining hegemony and caused the party to radicalize.