刑事政策价值目标的追问

刑事政策决策者面对自由、秩序、正义、效益等价值 ,必然有所选择 ,古典主义的刑事政策、实证学派的刑事政策和新社会防卫的刑事政策 ,由于所处时代不同 ,制定刑事政策理念和基础不同 ,因而 ,呈现出不同的刑事政策价值目标的追求路径。     

SCHOOLS AS COMMUNITIES: THE RELATIONSHIPS AMONG COMMUNAL SCHOOL ORGANIZATION,STUDENT BONDING,AND SCHOOL DISORDER*

Research has indicated that school factors such as communal school organization and student bonding are predictive of school disorder, with greater communal organization and greater student bonding leading to less delinquency and victimization. Data from a nationally representative sample of 254 public, nonalternative, secondary schools were used to examine structural equation models representing hypothesized relationships among communal school organization, student bonding, and school disorder. The hypothesis that communally organized schools would have less disorder held true for teacher victimization and student delinquency, but not for student victimization. In addition, the hypothesis that the relationship between communal school organization and school disorder would be mediated by student bonding was supported for student delinquency, but not for teacher victimization.     

中等师范学校大专生人际关系状况的调查

师范学校大专生人际关系现状与正常水平有非常明显的不同(χ2=16.13,P<0.005)。人际关系四个维度存在非常显著的差异(F=12.68**),待人接物维度与其它三个维度都有明显差异,其中与交谈维度和交际与交友有非常显著差异,与异性朋友交往维度有显著差异;异性朋友交往维度与交谈维度没有显著差异,与交际与交友维度却有非常显著差异;交谈方面维度与交际与交友维度有显著差异。     

克莱因与客体关系学派的创立与发展

精神分析学家大多关注婴儿与其抚养者之间的关系,并力图通过对这种早期客体关系的探讨,分析婴儿心理病理现象的根本原因.精神分析学家们对客体关系理论的关注正在成为一个新的研究热点,并且在世界很多国家和地区产生着重要的学术影响.除了对于精神分析的革命性意义,以及对于精神病学和心理咨询、心理治疗领域的巨大的冲击之外,克莱因及其客体关系理论还在儿童心理学、社会学、人类学和文艺批评等诸多学科中产生了不同程度的反响.     

从韦勒克、艾金伯勒到伯恩海默至中国学派--比较文学的跨文明研究轨迹

韦勒克、艾金伯勒、伯恩海默以及中国学派等在比较文学学科理论上的相关观点勾勒出了一条比较文学跨文明研究的轨迹,而这条跨文明研究轨迹又是沿着两条思路展开的一是寻求不断地超越狭隘的西方中心主义束缚;二是从异质性和互补性来丰富比较文学的可比性内容.     

试论习近平对“党校姓党”的系统思考

习近平总书记从新时代党的建设总体布局、全面从严治党、坚持马克思主义指导地位、维护党校形象的高度阐述了坚持党校姓党的重大意义。习近平不仅系统回答了坚持党校姓党的意义(为什么),还深刻阐明了党校姓党的"姓马""姓共"的内涵(是什么)、回答了坚持党校姓党的途径、方法(怎样做),以党校姓党的根本原则为基础,构建了具有思想观念、价值标准引领性的党校建设话语体系。     

Indonesia,the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community,and the contingent profile of regional ‘great-power management’

Why does Indonesia, whose regional leadership would seem to flow so obviously from its material and normative footprint, and whose role as primus inter pares is readily, if sometimes grudgingly, acknowledged by its peers, struggle to translate that position into an unambiguous, consistent, and effective regional presence? While there are many possible answers to this question, this article focuses on societal interpretations, arguing that such a role is exercised not in a vacuum, susceptible to measurement against a set of fixed criteria, but in the context of its respective region's unique and constantly evolving profile. Drawing on the English School's concept of institutions, and focusing on three areas within the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (migration, disaster preparedness, and the environment), the article argues that the paradox of Indonesia's powerful-but-not-powerful position reflects the kind of ‘great-power management’ that is to be expected in the restrictive context of regional international society, and is profoundly influenced by the uneven interplay of institutions embedded at different levels in the regional experience.     

朝贡体系下古代东亚秩序形成与维系的内在逻辑——批判地借鉴英国学派的分析方法

古代东亚秩序的形成与维系，同历史悠久的朝贡体系有着直接的关系。因此，要有效揭示古代东亚秩序的内在逻辑，应当批判地借鉴以历史主义见长的英国学派的分析方法，探讨朝贡体系的运行机制和内在本质。在古代，中国与朝鲜长时段的朝贡体系实质上是一种由中国主导并以其特有文化为基础、周边诸政权普遍认可和积极参与的特殊国际制度。就中国而言，完全独立的政治体制、自给自足的经济结构、等级制的世界观，使其对外部的需求仅限于其他政权对其至高无上地位的承认及其对相关制度安排的服从。而对周边诸政权来说，只有与实力超强的中国建立朝贡关系，它们才能获得合法性和安全保障，并取得与中国贸易的机会，从而实现生存与发展两大目标。由此可以得出如下结论：在缺乏文化共识的前提下，由地区强国主导，可以促成某种功能性的国际制度，使地区秩序得以维护，并在交往过程中反向促成文化认同。这一结论修正了英国学派关于共有文化与国际制度的关系的观点。     

永嘉学视野中的理体学与心体学——项乔的理气心性论

项乔体会“四书五经”之言，就是体悟圣贤的心学，进而融通义理。他认为，阳明发朱熹之所未发，“致良知”是其独创之见。良知作为天理而主于虚，虚能容物，推致良知于事物。虚实一源，显微无间。项乔的“致良知”“求放心”之学，是在圆融孟子、《中庸》和阳明心体学，并融通朱熹的观点而阐发自己的独创见解，进而探索理气和道器的关系。项乔融突和合程朱理体学与陆王心体学旨在归本圣贤经典的理想人格，高扬随事在物即行的德性，终成心体学的事功学。     

The Blue (White and Red) Orchestra: a soundtrack for the country that never was

The aim of the paper is to go beyond the commonly accepted view of Sarajevo’s Plavi orkestar (The Blue Orchestra) as the 1980s “teen pop-rock sensation” and illuminate the less conspicuous, but nevertheless crucial, political dimension of the band’s music and visual aesthetics. This will be done by discussing several “pieces of the puzzle” essential to understanding the background to and motivations behind Plavi orkestar’s political engagement in the second half of the 1980s: (1) the “Sarajevo factor;” (2) the Sarajevo Pop-rock School and the New Primitives “poetics of the local;” (3) the generational Yugoslavism; (4) the New Partisans “poetics of the patriotic;” and (5) the post-New Partisans “hippie ethos.” The concluding section of the paper will reflect on Plavi orkestar’s resurgence in 1998 and explore the question of the band’s continuing resonance within the post-Yugoslav and post-socialist contexts. An argument underlying the discussion of all of these elements is that Plavi orkestar’s Yugoslavism of the 1980s is best understood as a soundtrack for the country that never was (i.e. a popular-cultural expression of what, from the viewpoint of a particular generational cohort and its location in the “Yugoslav socialist universe,” the community they thought of as their own ought to have been but never really was), and that the current value of this soundtrack lies in offering not only a particular window into the pre-post-socialist past but also in being a symbolic referent for a certain kind of retrospective utopia that gauges the realities of the post-socialist – that is, neo-liberal capitalist – present and, in so doing, figures as a “normative compass” for the life of dignified existence.