浅析冷战后美国与印尼军事关系的演变

冷战结束后的15年中,美国与印尼的军事合作关系发生了显著变化:由中断到恢复、不断升温。现实主义的权力观根据国际环境发生变化后国家利益的侧重点也会变化这一视角进行解读。建构主义认为,观念会影响身份的建构,美国与印尼观念的变化对它们身份和军事合作产生了重要影响。美印(尼)军事合作关系的恢复和升温,对东南亚地区安全环境将产生深远的影响。     

美俄关系的变与不变——兼议美俄"新冷战"说

美俄关系经过近十年的磨合大体形成了相对稳定的关系框架,但这一框架未能根本解决两国之间存在的结构性矛盾。伊拉克战争终于将这些矛盾催生出来,于是引发美俄关系新的紧张,也诞生了所谓“新冷战”说。笔者认为,与其说美俄关系处于“新冷战”,不如说是回归其本应有的面目。未来美俄关系的发展将取决于国际环境、双方各自战略走向及两国领导人的更迭三个层次的因素,具有一定不确定性。     

构建与新型社区管理相匹配的警务机制

针对基层派出所防范管理主业还未完全凸显,基础工作信息体系还未完全构筑,群防群治网络还未合理严谨的问题,应通过着力推进社区治安巡访机制,强化情报信息和人口管理意识,以构建群防群治网络,严密基层的阵地控制,整治治安问题突出地区,继而调整管理防范的薄弱部位,实施新型社区警务战略。     

后阿拉法特时代的以巴关系--对中东和平进程三大关键因素的分析

阿拉法特辞世后,阿巴斯当选巴民族权力机构主席,完成了巴勒斯坦民族解放事业领导人的代际更替,沙龙组成新的联合政府,布什完成连选连任,巴、以、美三方的变化为推动中东和平进程的实现带来了历史性机遇,以巴恢复和谈势在必行。但由于三方特别是以巴双方各自面临重重困难,因此,在形式上恢复和谈容易,就实质性问题达成协议难。     

冷战时期苏联的石油与天然气:效能和限度——俄罗斯石油:军事战中的效能

20世纪60年代以来,苏联以石油与天然气生产和出口大国的面目出现,西伯利亚在其中起到支撑性的作用。苏联油气攻势是在欧洲两极格局形成后逐渐展开的。进入80年代,美国的油气遏制对苏联产生了很大影响。     

关于当今时代主题的若干认识问题

关于时代主题的认识,自20世纪90年代以来屡有争论,既有概念上的争论,更有判断上的争论。但是,不管怎样争论,都必须以马克思主义经典作家的有关论述和方法论为基础,从有关文献关于时代主题论述的演变入手,并考虑与时代主题相关的重要问题,才能得出关于时代主题的马克思主义认识:和平与发展仍是当今时代的主题。     

中心城区街面图像实时监控系统建设的思考

中心城区街面图像实时监控系统是城市治安防控体系的一部分,是把握社会治安主动权的重要举措。它的建设要按需设计,充分挖掘各方资源,搞好系统的整体规划,处理好系统建设中的各种关系。     

行政审批制度改革后治安行政管理的创新

行政审批制度改革后,治安行政管理面临着许多新情况、新问题。公安机关要充分认识行政审批制度改革的重大意义,积极探索,深化改革,努力推动治安行政管理在理念、法制、体制、管理模式和管理手段上的创新。     

NORTH KOREA’S PERSPECTIVES IN ITS ARGUMENT FOR A PEACE TREATY

In recent years, North Korea’s military provocations have been making the headlines. Beyond its harsh actions and remarks, North Korea persistently mentions ‘peace’ through a demand for a ‘peace treaty’. This may sound paradoxical. However, the origin of the North Korean argument for a peace treaty dates back to the Korean War (1950–53). Since then, North Korea has continued to raise the issue of a peace treaty in a consistent manner and the arguments have displayed similar logic and terminology throughout. It is this consistency and similarity that this article examines: through reviewing North Korea’s original texts, this article attempts to undercover North Korea's perspectives reflected in its argument for a peace treaty.     

To revise or not to revise: the ‘peace constitution’, pro-revision movement,and Japan's national identity

Why do conservative nationalists in Japan continuously seek to revise the constitution despite the past failures, and what is the likelihood of successful revision and its impact on Japan's norm of pacifism and its use of force? The article offers an analytical framework for the issue based on national pride and national security, and argues that the ‘revisionists’ seek to create a new national identity, one that infuses a greater sense of national pride among the public and enables the exercise of collective self-defense, thereby removing Japan's postwar psychological and institutional limitations on nationalism and military activities. The LDP's 2012 draft is most explicit and ambitious in this regard, with the current revision attempt under Abe having the highest chance of success since the 1950s. Successful revision would significantly expand Japan's security activities, particularly within the framework of the US–Japan Security Alliance, and entail the end of Japan's unique postwar institutionalized pacifism, although the norm of pacifism will linger on as a constitutional principle. For a smoother return to the international military scene, the Japanese government must distance itself from historical revisionism and utilize its enhanced military role to promote regional public goods rather than merely protecting its narrow national interests.