全文获取类型
收费全文 | 301篇 |
免费 | 19篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 6篇 |
工人农民 | 27篇 |
世界政治 | 3篇 |
外交国际关系 | 34篇 |
法律 | 135篇 |
中国政治 | 8篇 |
政治理论 | 29篇 |
综合类 | 78篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 10篇 |
2017年 | 11篇 |
2016年 | 4篇 |
2015年 | 9篇 |
2014年 | 6篇 |
2013年 | 32篇 |
2012年 | 43篇 |
2011年 | 15篇 |
2010年 | 10篇 |
2009年 | 16篇 |
2008年 | 15篇 |
2007年 | 15篇 |
2006年 | 10篇 |
2005年 | 13篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 15篇 |
2002年 | 10篇 |
2001年 | 9篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 5篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 6篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 5篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有320条查询结果,搜索用时 547 毫秒
1.
A New Use for Practitioners in Teaching Negotiation 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
This article examines the role that practitioners as guest lecturers have traditionally played in the teaching of negotiation. The authors argue that, as seen from the perspective of student learning, this traditional role has not utilized the practitioner's expertise and experience to an optimal degree. Because of this, they have redesigned the role of the practitioner as guest lecturer in their negotiation course. They describe this new role in some detail. Their goal is to encourage students to understand how and why integrative negotiation techniques can work beyond the classroom in what students call the "real world." 相似文献
2.
可以借鉴M·V·爱森伯格提出的划分体系,具体将公司法的规则分为三类:结构性规则、信义性规则和分配性规则。采用注释法学的研究方法对这三类规则进行分析:首先从结构性规则中的表决权和参与权入手,分析公司章程能否有所为;对信义性规则研究,一定要从公司实践出发来分析对股东施加的义务是否具有可实施性,从而判断章程能否有所为;最后从不同立法例分析分配性规则:得出股东对利益分配的自主性可能确实会诱发一定的道德风险,章程在股份有限公司中不应有所作为的结论。 相似文献
3.
Karen A. Hegtvedt 《Social Justice Research》1992,5(2):155-172
In many types of social situations, individuals defend their claims to a portion of the rewards by arguing that they are just. Although a great deal of research demonstrates that individuals differ in their distribution preferences and thus their beliefs about what is fair, the literature curiously omits consideration of the consequences of these differences, especially the conflict they may engender. This paper first reviews the few attempts to address such justice conflict. The limitations of these approaches suggest concerns to be addressed in an alternative framework. The paper presents a theoretical discussion of this alternative that integrates assumptions about distribution preferences, justice beliefs, conditions fostering the emergence of justice conflict, and elements of negotiation processes as a basic framework for predictions about the bargaining strategies individuals may employ to resolve competing justice claims. 相似文献
4.
The intellectual adolescence of organizational justice: You've come a long way,maybe 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Jerald Greenberg 《Social Justice Research》1993,6(1):135-148
To highlight the advances and limitations in the study of organizational justice as reflected by the articles in this issue, the field is characterized as being in its intellectual adolescence. Following this analogy, some signs of scientific maturity are noted. Among these are (a) increased attention to the connections between organizational justice and various organizational processes, (b) expanded efforts toward conceptual refinement, and (c) greater reliance on research conducted in natural settings. At the same time, the adolescent state of the field is also marked by its intellectual awkwardness and immaturity. Indications of this include (a) the absence of guiding theory, (b) an underdeveloped research agenda, and (c) an overreliance on the use of ad hoc measurements. Based on these limitations, suggestions are made for ways of nurturing the field's development. The article concludes with an optimistic vision of tomorrow's field of organizational justice. 相似文献
5.
Workplace justice and employee worth 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Robert Folger 《Social Justice Research》1994,7(3):225-240
Distributive and procedural justice gain new meaning in light of other distinctions about how organizations value employees
(the employees' “worth”). Fair compensation gives employees worth as achieved status: how the employee is like some employees
(similarly rewarded) and not like others (dissimilarly rewarded). But employees also want to be treated uniquely as individuals
and in other ways to be treated like all other employees, both reflecting worth as ascribed status. Such worth need not involve
the distribution of outcomes; it can be gained if procedures function as ends in themselves. Different types of worth thus
become the source of different criteria for justice.
Based on a paper entitled “Justice as Worth,” which was prepared for the Third International Conference on Social Justice
research (held in the Netherlands during July 1991). 相似文献
6.
7.
保证职工的合理报酬,是建立和谐稳定劳动关系的关键环节。但由于种种原因,目前的工资集体协商制度还存在较严重的形式化倾向。工会组织是建立工资集体协商制度、协调和发展和谐劳动关系的推行者和执行者,在工作中无疑应该注意消除这种形式化倾向。 相似文献
8.
Integrating societal and psychological rules of entitlement: The basic task of each social actor and fundamental problem for the social sciences 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Melvin J. Lerner 《Social Justice Research》1987,1(1):107-125
A preliminary statement of a theoretical framework integrating psychological and societal determinants of justice in human affairs is presented. It is proposed that the social structure provides the rules of entitlement and decision making that regulate the course of routine social interaction. These societally based norms are representable in people's conscious thought processes. By contrast, the psychologically generated rules of entitlement, typically contradict conventionally accepted rules of thought and discourse and thus remain unconscious. The major part of the discussion considers the motivationally important circumstances that engage the unconscious psychologically compelling determinants and how their appearance in behavior is both shaped and legitimized by the situationally prevailing normative context. The final section considers some of the more important methodological, theoretical, and social policy implications of this social psychological theory of entitlements. 相似文献
9.
Debby Sze Wan Chan 《The Pacific Review》2017,30(5):674-691
The Myitsone Dam suspension is an asymmetric negotiation between Naypyitaw and Beijing. The bilateral agreement of the hydropower project was concluded in 2009. However, Myanmar's civil society started to oppose the dam when political opportunities expanded in 2011. The quasi-civilian government in Myanmar was caught in an ‘audience cost dilemma': either to disappoint domestic constituents by fulfilling international obligations, or to compensate the Chinese dam developer for breaching the contract. In September 2011, Myanmar President Thein Sein declared the suspension of the dam throughout his tenure. Unexpectedly, China's state-owned dam company did not sue Naypyidaw. Moreover, Beijing even engaged with societal actors in Myanmar to seek their support for the project. How could Naypyitaw defy Beijing in this Myitsone Dam case? Drawing from 35 interviews with anti-dam campaigners and other stakeholders, as well as secondary data, this article argues that the rise of civil society successfully conditioned Naypyitaw's diplomatic options in the controversy. The change of Beijing's diplomatic strategy confirms that domestic constraint in Myanmar is not rhetorical. The Myitsone Dam case is an example that shows bilateral agreement without domestic endorsement can become China's business risk. Presumably, the dispute has wider implications for other Chinese overseas projects outside Myanmar. 相似文献
10.
《Labor History》2012,53(6):606-625
ABSTRACTThis article explores the transformation of South African labor relations during the 1980s. In 1979, prompted by new shop-floor militancy, the Wiehahn Commission recommended that black workers, previously excluded from state labor machinery, be permitted to join recognized trade unions. Most discussions of this shift in apartheid labor relations focus on the ensuing debate within the black unions, torn between preserving their independence or securing state legitimation. This article looks instead at the related debate about ‘levels of bargaining’: should emergent black unions demand to negotiate at the factory level, where they had secured shop-floor strength through organizing and democratic practice, or pursue the benefits of the corporatist bargaining structures that had long excluded them and had privileged white workers? The eventual drift towards corporatism, I argue, imprinted the character of the South African labor movement into the post-apartheid era. An understandable desire to wield influence at the level of the national political economy eroded the tradition of workers’ control, shop floor democracy, and struggle unionism that black unions had forged during the 1970s and 1980s. 相似文献