试论文化研究的基本思路

文化研究的基本思路大致可以这样概括 :1 文化首先是一个特定群体共同拥有的意义系统 ,它最基本的功能就是确立和强化一个特定群体 ;文化发展的途径是通过个体与群体的冲突 ,生成新的符号系统 ,乃至生成新的内在法则。 2 文化是一个开放的能量交换系统 ,它服从于热力学第一定律和热力学第二定律 ;任何文化现象都是直接或间接地根据这两个定律服务于能量的转换 ;心理能量是能量摄取和转换水平的关键 ,但是心理能量的开发不是技术性的 ,而是象征性的。 3 人文科学的非线性特征 ,要求田野工作应该是一个多学科专家共同参与进行的系统工程     

浅析破坏生产经营罪

破坏生产经营罪本身的构成要件含糊不明,加之为顺应我国经济体制的变化,使法律适应客观形式的发展,1997年刑法将破坏集体生产罪修改为破坏生产经营罪,并对之进行体系结构归属调整。但也为此使刑法学者对破坏生产经营罪产生诸多争议。如此罪侵犯的客体是单一客体,还是复杂客体。特别是此罪容易与其他相关犯罪混淆,给司法实践带来不便。通过重新界定生产经营的内涵、犯罪的目的等,对其进行合理的限制解释,并将其与一些极易混淆的犯罪加以比较,进一步明确此罪。     

宪法监督模式差异性的成因分析

人们通常将宪法监督模式在总体上划分为四种典型的类型,即立法机关监督型、司法机关监督型、宪法委员会监督型和宪法法院监督型。不同的国家之所以要选择不同的模式,存在着诸多方面的原因,如理论基础、法律传统、历史际遇、司法体制等。对宪法监督模式差异性的成因进行多角度的考察,对我国宪法监督制度的改革有着十分重要的意义。     

试论破坏选举罪适用范围之扩展

民主选举是社会主义民主的重要体现和保障，现实中破坏选举的行为层出不穷。而破坏选举罪适用范围上过于狭窄，致使不少严重危害行为置于刑法的射程之外。因此，应将破坏选举罪适用范围扩展到相当范围的政治性选举活动，具体到我国，应包涵基层群众自治组织选举、中国共产党党内选举、人民政治协商会议选举、各级人大代表法律议案表决活动等国家政治生活中重要的选举。     

Regime Shifts in Japan and Switzerland?

This paper compares the development of the Japanese political economy regime and its repercussions for the party system with the, at least at first sight, contrasting case of Switzerland. Rather than pointing out the differences between the two countries, the comparison emphasizes the similarities: both countries are involved in a comparable regime shift, which has its origins in similar domestic structural and cultural shifts as well as in changes in the world economy. In both countries, the mismatch between the socioeconomic realities and the political configurations has been widening for many years. Since the early nineties, the much needed realignment in the party systems has gotten underway in Japan as well as in Switzerland, but it has not yet reached a new equilibrium. In Switzerland, however, the restructuring of the party system has proceeded more steadily and has gone farther than in Japan     

加入世贸组织对中国法制的影响与我们的对策

我国加入世贸组织后,WTO的一系列规则将对我国法制产生深远的影响。我国应进一步加快法律的信息化,推动法律的全球化和促进法律的职业化等。协调国内法与WTO法的不一致,应完善立法工作,推进司法改革和加强法学教育。     

Mixed electoral rules’ impact on party systems

The growing literature about mixed electoral systems has addressed their effect on party systems, voting behavior, campaign strategies, legislative roll-call voting, and other issues in a handful of countries. But, the effect of mixed systems has not been fully evaluated cross-nationally or longitudinally. Using data from the World Bank’s Database of Political Institutions, we address this gap in the literature by investigating two related questions. First, do mixed electoral rules produce different election outcomes than other election rules? Second, are these results attenuated by the definitions of mixed systems that scholars employ? We find that mixed systems generate outcomes that are distinct from other electoral systems and that these findings are generally robust across different definitions.     

Pre-electoral coalitions in comparative perspective: A test of existing hypotheses

Despite the vast coalition literature, pre-electoral coalitions have never been at the center of any systematic, cross-national research. Given their prevalence and potential impact on government composition and policies, this represents a serious omission in our knowledge of coalitions. I begin to remedy this situation by testing two hypotheses found in the literature on party coalitions. The first is that pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form in disproportional systems if there are a sufficiently large number of parties. The second is that pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form if voters face high uncertainty about the identity of future governments. These hypotheses are tested using a new dataset comprising legislative elections in 22 advanced industrialized countries between 1946 and 1998. The results of the statistical analysis support the first hypothesis, but not the second.