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1.
Flagg Miller 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2019,12(2):185-209
Discourse on terrorist violence has long facilitated an especially liberal form of securitisation. Originally evoked in reference to anarchists and communists, a rational consideration of terrorist violence, inaugurated by the concept, asks for deferred judgement about the nature of, or reasons behind, violence related to terror on the premise that state and international legal norms governing the legitimate use of violence fail to circumscribe the proper capacities of the state to regulate and explain terrorism. Where sovereign powers along with their military and civilian instruments of coercion are deemed unable to regulate violence effectively, analysts of terrorist violence and their readership are invited to consider and cultivate new sensibilities. Beginning in the 1980s, studies by psychologists found renewed urgency among a growing cadre of interdisciplinary terror experts who found religion, Islam especially, a key variable of analysis. I situate their contributions in a longer history of secular and racialising discourse about terrorist violence. Central to this history are practices of reading, translating, interpreting and archiving texts. Evidence for the argument is based on the analysis of an algorithm that allegedly predicts the likelihood of terrorist strikes by counting words spoken by al-Qa?ida leaders and correlating their frequency with over 30 psychological categories. 相似文献
2.
LORRAINE VAN BLERK JONATHAN MENDEL ANDREA RODRIGUEZ FERNANDO L. FERNANDES IRENE RIZZINI 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2019,38(3):284-299
Sport's transformative potential is known to support marginalised children, to deal with traumatic experiences and instil positive values; yet hosting mega sporting events (MSEs) can have negative impacts. Drawing on participatory research with favela‐based children during the 2014 World Cup in Brazil, this article argues that MSEs bring a macro‐securitisation of urban life, which causes considerable harm. This paper also suggests that the inclusion of children's voices in advocacy debates can challenge top‐down securitisation and might allow MSEs to foster further positive social transformation. Therefore, juxtaposed with causing harm, macro‐securitisations can open opportunities for children to take action and have their voices heard. 相似文献
3.
Meta理论是研究理论的理论,对于理论的构建起指导作用,因此,Meta理论是一个更高层次的理论。本篇文章试图使用Meta理论的一般原则,对翻译理论的构建提出一些思考。他山之石可以攻玉,相信这一初步研究对翻译研究、翻译教学以及研究生学位论文撰写会有所裨益。 相似文献
4.
A. J. Barnard 《Law and Critique》2006,17(2):153-170
The aim of this paper is to identify the possible substructure (looking glass/es) of a critical legal argument for contractual
justice (Wonderland) in the South African law of contract. South African contract law still fails, ten years after the constitutional
transformation, to reflect the constitutional ideals of freedom, equality and human dignity in an acceptable manner. I argue
that this disposition places a question mark over the legitimacy of contract law and marginalizes opportunities for the social
change envisaged by the Constitution. The paper explores Duncan Kennedy’s Form and Substance-argument and indicates that the
reluctance to accommodate these values may be attributable to the fact that the majority of role-players position themselves
on the individualism/rules side of Kennedy’s continuum – a paradigm that perceives the law of contract as a body of positivistic
rules to be applied neutrally and regardless of the social or socio-economic distortions its application may generate. In
an attempt to move away from this traditional approach, the privileged paradigm is criticised. A typical CLS-approach is followed
which employs sociology, psychological jurisprudence and game theory to criticise the law from outside the restrictive realms
of law itself. Simultaneously, I attempt to illuminate the argument for a shift (step through the looking glass) to another
paradigm. I conclude that our judiciary finds itself in a position similar to that of Plato’s prisoners in the cave and will
not reach the point where they apply relevant (constitutional) values directly to contractual disputes. The State is thus
responsible for infusing contract law with contractual justice, by implementing legislation to this effect in order to limit
the hegemonic consequences of the judiciary’s obsession with freedom of contract and utopian rules, which fail in reality
to further the ideal of justice.
Paper presented at the Critical Legal Conference, 4 September 2004, London, UK. This paper is dedicated to the memory of the
late Judge of Appeal, Mr. Justice P.J. Olivier. The paper is based on research conducted for the thesis in partial fulfilment
of the degree LLD in the Faculty of Law at the University of Pretoria under the title ‘A critical legal argument for contractual
justice in the South African law of contract.’ The degree supervisor is Professor Karin van Marle in the Department of Legal
History, Comparative Law and Jurisprudence. The author wishes to thank the following persons for valuable deliberations and
input: Karin van Marle, Graham Bradfield and Anashri Pillay. In addition, the author wishes to acknowledge and thank the University
of Cape Town for financially supporting this research.
†Paper presented at the Critical Legal Conference, 4 September 2004, London, UK. This paper is dedicated to the memory of
the late Judge of Appeal, Mr. Justice
P.J. Olivier. The paper is based on research conducted for the thesis in partial
fulfilment of the degree LLD in the Faculty of Law at the University of Pretoria
under the title ‘A critical legal argument for contractual justice in the South African
law of contract.’ The degree supervisor is Professor Karin van Marle in the
Department of Legal History, Comparative Law and Jurisprudence. The author
wishes to thank the following persons for valuable deliberations and input: Karin
van Marle, Graham Bradfield and Anashri Pillay. In addition, the author wishes to
acknowledge and thank the University of Cape Town for financially supporting this
research. apply relevant (constitutional) values directly to contractual disputes. The State is
thus responsible for infusing contract law with contractual justice, by implementing
legislation to this effect in order to limit the hegemonic consequences of the judiciary’s
obsession with freedom of contract and utopian rules, which fail in reality to
further the ideal of justice. 相似文献
5.
南洋研究院的华侨华人研究体现了多学科、兼顾历史与现状、教学相长的特色。除了经济、历史、政治学(国际关系)等主要学科外,南洋院师生越来越多地借重民族学、宗教学、金融学、人口学、语言学、管理学、图书及版本学等学科理论与方法研究华侨华人。在侧重华侨华人现状研究时,仍继续关注华人史研究。在相关学位课程带动下,硕博生的学位论文研究日益成为南洋院华侨华人研究的重要组成部分。就总体而言,南洋院的华侨华人研究仍呈现创新能力弱、文献单薄、低水平重复等问题,这既是国内文科重量化考核导向的结果,也与研究人员浮躁的学术态度相关。 相似文献
6.
本文通过对《贵州民族研究》1995~2005年载文量变化、论文选题分布、载文作者统计和论文被引用情况等作统计分析,来探讨该民族学专业期刊的学术资源构成特点及其学术影响力。 相似文献
7.
This essay questions the soundness of a scholarly shift awayfrom refugee studies in favour of forcedmigration studies. It contends, first, that subsumingrefugee studies into the broader framework of forced migrationstudies may result in a failure to take account of the specificityof the refugee's circumstances which are defined not just bymovement to avoid the risk of harm, but by underlying socialdisfranchisement coupled with the unqualified ability of theinternational community to respond to their needs. Second, itargues that forced migration (rather than, forexample, forced migrant) studies encourages afocus on a phenomenon rather than on the personal predicaments,needs, challenges, and rights of refugees themselves. It maythus contribute to a lack of criticality in relation to policieswhich subordinate refugee autonomy to the pursuit of more systemicconcerns. The first concern is illustrated by reference to theemergence of the internally displaced personscategory, the second by reference to the determination to findand mandate durable solutions to forced migration,including to the movement of refugees. 相似文献
8.
西部城市竞争力评价指标体系设计 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
本文以西部城市为研究对象,分析了西部城市的特点,结合城市竞争力的研究现状,提出西部城市竞争力由经济实力、政府管理力、学习力、环境力、生产力、资本力、影响力和文化力构成。强调对西部城市竞争力的评价,应在公认性、特殊性、系统性、可行性和层次性的原则指导下,构建指标评价体系。 相似文献
9.
我国城镇失业率已进入风险区 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
深化改革和需求不足等原因造成我国城镇失业增加。德尔菲法研究结果显示 ,我国城镇真实失业率水平为 7% ,已达到警戒线 ,且近年会有较小幅度的增加。建议政府设立专职机构 ,对失业风险监测与调控 相似文献
10.
赵莉 《中国青年政治学院学报》2005,24(5):86-91
贫困人口经济支持网络规模小、紧密度低,实物支持的网络规模略高于金钱支持.在网络关系构成上,亲属关系、地缘关系发挥着重要的作用.由于网络成员与贫困人口在个人社会特征方面同质性较高,所以在现有社会保障制度不够完善的情况下,经济支持网并不能使他们真正摆脱困境,需要引起政府和社会的广泛关注. 相似文献