浅谈POP广告设计及立体构成的应用

作为五大广告媒体之一的“POP”广告，近年来发展很快，在市场占有重要的位置，立体设计则是POP广告设计的基础，并在其中融入商品宣传的创意和构思，为POP广告设计的立体制作打下了坚实的基础。     

试论媚雅广告的表达机制——兼论其对社会排斥的隐性表达

媚雅广告是指以感性诉求为主、强调典雅情调、营造尊贵品位的广告形式.它通过对艺术、运动、地域和源语符号进行意义嫁接,完成符号赋值,一方面鼓励社会中上层进行精英反叛式的主动排斥,与社会普通大众保持距离;另一方面试图赋予社会各阶层之间的不平等以合法性,故意通过差异化设置文化界限和社会区隔,导致了社会下层的被动排斥.从表面看,媚雅广告是一种新的消费理念与生活方式的表征;往深处究,不难发现它巧妙地利用了文化资本为之效力,是竭力追逐利润的商品生产者和试图扩张文化话语权的社会中上层两者合力的结果.     

党对新中国命名问题的探索

“中华人民共和国”这一国名,鲜明标示了新中国成立的划时代意义、新中国的国体和政体。它以党“建立一个真正的民主共和国”为历史逻辑起点,并在党对“中华苏维埃共和国”、“人民共和国”和“民主共和国”探索的基础上,经中国人民政治协商会议筹备会讨论协商、政协第一届全体会议正式确定。“中华人民共和国”国名虽无“民主”一词,却蕴涵着新中国人民民主的国家本质。     

Significant extension to the ASA’s remit allows members of the public and rival businesses to complain via the ASA about statements made on webpages and social networking sites

On 1st March 2011, the scope of the CAP Code was extended, giving the Advertising Standards Authority significantly expanded powers to regulate marketing claims made by advertisers on their own websites and in other non-paid-for space under their control, such as social networking sites and company blogs. The ASA’s extended remit will apply to all sectors and all businesses and organisations which are operating from the UK, regardless of size, in a move to ensure the same standards of consumer and business protection in the digital space as in other media. The extension aims to plug a regulatory gap following a formal recommendation from a wide cross-section of UK industry.     

Weighted Content Analysis of Political Advertisements

This article proposes weighted content analysis as a methodological extension of traditional (unweighted) content analysis of political advertising. Weighted content analysis distinguishes between political ads that were produced but not aired and ads that actually aired in a particular media market. To illustrate the advantages of weighted content analysis, this article examines the 1996 presidential campaign in Columbus, Ohio. The tone of 132 presidential campaign ads produced by both candidates is compared with the tone of the 2,522 ads that aired on the three major network affiliates in Columbus. The price of the ad buy is used as an alternative weight that takes into account audience size and thus allows a further distinction between aired and watched ads. Both weighting procedures show that Republican advertising in 1996 in Columbus was more negative than Democratic advertising during the fall campaign, a result that remains undetected by unweighted content analysis. The article concludes by describing three different ways to obtain weighting data: political files kept by television stations and cable providers, commercial tracking data, and internal campaign records.     

Attention to Counter-Attitudinal Messages in a State Election Campaign

Research following the "selective exposure" model has focused on avoidance of political messages with which a person might disagree. But positive attention to such "counter-attitudinal" messages is worthy of study, in part because normative theories of democracy value exposure to information that might disturb citizens' political predispositions. Surveys of youth (N = 417) and parents (N = 430) examine attention to newspaper, television, and Web messages about candidates. While there is somewhat more attention to messages about and for a person's favored political candidate or party, forms of political involvement (knowledge, curiosity, and discussion) that predict this "attitude-consistent" attention also predict counter-attitudinal attention at least as strongly. Parents' education and students' exposure to civics lessons also predict both kinds of attention. These results suggest that attention to counterattitudinal political messages is worthy of further study as an important goal of political socialization and a criterion of citizen performance in democracy.     

A Review of: “Media Democracy: How the Media Colonize Politics,by Thomas Meyer with Lew Hinchman”

This study assesses the importance of paid advertising. Drawing from observations and interviews with ad creators and campaign managers, it describes, analyzes, and evaluates what the candidates did and why in the 1992 New Hampshire presidential primary election. Specifically, the study examines the importance of initial ads, consistency in ads, and the use of negative ads. It demonstrates that candidates flooded the airwaves with 30‐second ads, spending well in excess of overall spending limits on advertising alone. Ad innovations in 1992 were as follows: heavy New Hampshire and Boston time buying, an attack strategy against an incumbent president, an informercial to raise money, distributed videotapes, interactive video appeals, and half‐hour programs. Candidates who advertised early and stayed consistent in their imagery did better than candidates who advertised later and created multiple images and varied ads.     

Does it pay to break male gender stereotypes in advertising? A comparison of advertisement effectiveness between the United Kingdom,Poland and South Africa

Advertisers shy away from using non-traditional (vs. traditional) male gender portrayals even though theory suggests they may be more effective cross-nationally. Two main hypotheses were tested cross-nationally for the first time. H1: ‘paternalistic’ male stereotypes (e.g. Househusband) would be more effective than ‘envious’ male stereotypes (e.g. Businessman) across countries confirming the stereotype content model (SCM). H2: the match between initial male gender role attitudes and advertisement type would increase advertisement effectiveness only in countries with relatively low egalitarian norms (i.e. Poland and South Africa). A cross-national study was conducted through the use of student samples following a 3(country: United Kingdom, Poland and South Africa) × 2(advertisement type) × (gender attitude) mixed design (N = 373). A three-way multivariate analysis of variance showed support for H1 and partial support for H2 (i.e. the second hypothesis held on purchase intent and for South Africa). The study provides evidence for the cross-national applicability of the SCM to advertising and the limited predictive value of gender attitudes for purchase intent depending on country. Thus, contrary to mainstream advertising practices, breaking male gender stereotypes does appear to pay cross-nationally. Theoretical and practical implications alongside the potential for change in practices are discussed.     

Associations between national gambling policies and disordered gambling prevalence rates within Europe

Policymakers and other interested stakeholders currently are seeking information about the comparative effectiveness of different regulatory approaches to minimising gambling-related harm. This study responds to this research gap by exploring associations between gambling policies and disordered gambling prevalence rates. We gathered information about gambling policies for thirty European jurisdictions and past-year prevalence rates for disordered gambling for twelve of these jurisdictions. We present policy trends and prevalence rates and then describe the level of association between policy and prevalence. We observe one statistically significant association between policy and prevalence: rates of sub-clinical (i.e., Level 2) disordered gambling were higher within environments that mandated less strict regulation of advertising for online gambling. Finally, we discuss the implications of our research in the context of the current process regarding the pan-European regulation of gambling. Our findings do not offer evidence for certain assumptions made in the past by the European judiciary.     

中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度的奠基石--纪念"五一"口号发布55周年

本文分析了“五一”口号提出的历史背景 ,回顾了口号发表前后中国共产党和各民主党派所进行的主要工作 ,说明口号的发布标志着各民主党派公开、自觉地接受了中国共产党的领导 ,标志着各民主党派坚定地走上了新民主主义、社会主义的道路 ,标志着中国的民主政治建设和政党制度建设揭开了新篇章。