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1.
ABSTRACT

Protest activist leaders must make a series of decisions about the strategies they use; one such decision is the choice of tactic or performance, often informed by their cultural historic contentious repertoire. In South Korea's contentious repertoire, the use of candlelight vigils has become an increasingly prevalent form of protest tactic. Candlelight vigils have become an increasingly prominent tactic in South Korea’s repertoire over the last two decades, as evidenced by major candlelight vigils in 2002, 2008, and 2016-2017. In this study, we explore the ways in which candlelight vigils as a protest tactic have evolved over time in South Korea. We notably find that vigils emerged as a left-wing protest tactic in 2002, but right-wing protesters began adopting the tactic during the counter-protests opposing President Park Geun-Hye’s impeachment in 2016–2017 (Taegeukgi Giphoei). Additionally, we find that candlelight vigils drew participants from an increasingly wide swath of society over time and average citizens assumed greater organizational roles. This research not only contributes to the literature on South Korean social movements and civil society, but to understanding candlelight vigils as a distinct form of protest and how contentious repertoires evolve over time more broadly.  相似文献   
2.
20 0 1年 9月 30日最高人民检察院通过了《人民检察院民事行政抗诉案件办案规则》 ,从理论法理的角度 ,对检察机关开展民事抗诉提出了明确的办案原则和执法理念。但是对民事抗诉中的案源、抗诉范围以及抗诉的审级问题的规定却还有需改进的地方。文章从民事诉讼的目的的理论分析 ,认为民事抗诉案源应主要来自当事人申诉 ,对调解应可抗诉 ,对执行中的裁定不能抗诉 ,民事抗诉应一律由上级人民法院进行审理。  相似文献   
3.
Book Reviews     
Books reviewed in this article:
Charles Bergquist, Ricardo Peñaranda, and G. Gonzalo Sánchez (eds.), Violence in Colombia 1990––2000. Waging War and Negotiating Peace
H. Kline, State Building and Conflict Resolution in Colombia, 1986–1994
N. Richani, Systems of Violence. The Political Economy of War and Peace in Colombia
Maxwell A. Cameron, and Brian W. Tomlin, The Making of NAFTA: How the Deal Was Done
Ben Fallaw, Cárdenas Compromised: The Failure of Reform in Postrevolutionary Yucatán
Aníbal González, Killer Books: Writing, Violence, and Ethics in Modern Spanish American Narrative
Valerie Boyle (ed.), A South American Adventure: Letters from George Reid, 1867–1870
Caroline Salvin, A Pocket Eden. Guatemalan Journals 1873–1874/Un paraíso. Diarios guatemaltecos 1873–1874  相似文献   
4.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):53-83
Building on the most important theoretical tools from the literatures on social movements and nationalism, we propose a model of the intensity of nationalist political behavior in which a community's means, motives, and opportunities assume the central roles in the initiation and escalation of nationalist contentious politics. We then test this model using multinomial logit on original data from the seventeen autonomous communities of Spain over a twenty-year period. The results demonstrate that the means, motives, and opportunities assume vital, yet nonlinear, roles in determining a community's level of electoral, violent, and nonviolent contentious activity. The findings also show that there are crucial differences in what accounts for the moves to electoral contention, to protest, and to rebellion. Several of these factors are uniformly escalatory on the intensity of contention—especially repression, social mobilization, and regime change—while others, most importantly democracy, have a moderating effect on the generation of conflict. The results further imply processes of a diffusion of rebellious activities and of an organizational-level substitution effect between violent and nonviolent forms of political behavior. At the aggregate community level, however, escalation in contention involves a “cumulative effect” rather than a classic “substitution effect.”  相似文献   
5.
Political protests constitute a major concern to authoritarian regimes. Existing research has argued that they indicate a lack of regime legitimacy. However, empirical evidence on the relationship between legitimacy and protest participation remains rare. Based on new survey data from Morocco and Egypt, this study investigates whether legitimacy played a significant role in student mobilization during the 2011 uprisings. In doing so, we first develop a context-sensitive concept of legitimacy. This allows us to differentiate the ruler’s legitimacy claims and the citizens’ legitimacy beliefs. Furthermore, we distinguish between two different objects of legitimacy: the broader political community and specific regime institutions. Our empirical analysis suggests that legitimacy had an independent and significant impact on students’ protest participation, yet in more nuanced ways than generally assumed. While protest participation was driven by nationalist sentiments in Egypt, it was motivated by dissatisfaction with the political performance of specific regime institutions in Morocco.  相似文献   
6.
This article focuses on the shaping of the aesthetics and ideology of Eduard Limonov’s National-Bolshevik Party (NBP) through the pages of the radical newspaper Limonka. In order to study the making of the NBP as a political and intellectual community, the piece discusses Limonka’s editorial line, its graphic style, and the alternative cultural canon that this radical publication promoted, as well as several interviews with National-Bolshevik activists involved in this process. During its first years of existence, Limonka proposed a selection of controversial artistic, literary, and political role models, and the creation of an alternative fashion and lifestyle. The article argues that by provocatively combining totalitarian symbols, the aesthetics and posture of the historical avant-gardes, and Western counterculture, Limonka produced a collective narrative that contributed to the shaping of a new language of political protest in post-Soviet Russia. This resulted in a complex combination of stiob, a form of parody that involves an over-identification with its own object, and a neo-romantic impulse. This new discursive mode, which the article defines as “post-Soviet militant stiob,” should be seen as part of a series of tactics of radical resistance to what the National-Bolsheviks saw as the dominant neoliberal discourse of the mid-1990s.  相似文献   
7.
This essay examines the competing readings of food refusal that emerged from a student hunger strike held at Columbia University in fall 2007. The invisibility of the act of food refusal forces hunger strikers to adopt performance strategies that make their (non)action visible as protest. To make the politics of their food refusal legible, advocates for the hunger strike promoted their actions as part of a 40 year tradition of student protest. However, that same invisibility allowed the protest's detractors to deride the hunger strikers as anorexic. At the center of the protest and the commentary about it was a wasting female body that confused for spectators the line between the political and the pathological. Attention to this body raises questions of how community is created and disciplined through performative acts, how easily female protest is evacuated of political meaning and the uneasy role of whiteness in popular attention to anorexia.  相似文献   
8.
张学武 《法学论坛》2007,22(6):128-134
司法公正是社会主义法治内涵的核心价值,它直接关系到公民的人身、财产安全和社会的稳定与安宁.民事抗诉制度对于实现司法公正具有重要的价值,具体表现在:它能有效地监控法官的自由裁量权,有效地节省司法资源,克服司法地方化.正因如此,在我国目前条件下,民事抗诉制度只能不断完善与加强,决不能削弱,更不能废除.  相似文献   
9.
Right-wing populist (RWP) movements have been on the rise in Western democracies. Outside of party politics, such movements regularly organize demonstrations against political elites and minority groups. At the same time, civil society coalitions have mobilized against these movements. Yet we know little about the effect of counter-demonstrations on RWP protest activities. We derive competing theoretical expectations from previous work. On the one hand, counter-mobilization reduces mobilization because the original movement is less likely to achieve its goals (expected utility/costs). On the other hand, clashes and standoffs between opposing movements facilitate mobilization through polarization and anger (identity/emotions). We empirically analyze movement–countermovement dynamics using a new city-level event dataset on street protests by the German Pegida movement and its opponents. In our quantitative analysis, we investigate how counter-mobilization is associated with the onset of Pegida protests, their intensity in terms of participant numbers, and their demobilization. Counter-mobilization does not prevent protest onset, but large counter-demonstrations are associated with larger subsequent Pegida protests, and violence against Pegida supporters reduces the likelihood that they will stop protesting.  相似文献   
10.
《Labor History》2012,53(2):173-177
The following article analyzes the under-researched theme of Indian migration during indenture in British Guiana and Trinidad. It is understood that Indians were brought to the Caribbean under a series of restrictive colonial policies that stymied free movement. However, it is argued that some Indians resisted these very colonial regulations and exercised their individual right to migrate and subsequently dictate their own lives. Some independently took illegal action to acquire freedom while others waited until their contracts expired to migrate. While the number of those who migrated was consistently smaller than those who remained on the plantations, migration was a permanent feature of the plantation system that lasted as long as indenture itself. Indian migration during indenture can be conceptualized into three overlapping historical phases: (1) desertion from the plantations; (2) migration from the plantations to settlements (rural) to urban areas; and (3) intra-regional migration from one Caribbean island to the other.  相似文献   
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