The Balance Between Coercion and Accommodation

1. Introduction
On the morning of April 1st, 2001, a U.S. EP-3 surveillance aircraft was conducting an intelligence flight along the Chinese territorial border in the airspace south-east of China＇s Hainan Island. Two Chinese fighter jets intercepted the spy plane and followed its flight, as is considered ordinary international practice. For reasons unknown, the EP-3 airplane made a sudden maneuver and crashed into one of the Chinese planes. The Chinese plane dropped into the sea, the pilot missing. The U.S. spy plane was also severely damaged. It intruded into Chinese territorial space and landed on Hainan Island without official permission from the Chinese side. After landing, the spy plane and 24 crew on board were detained by the Chinese authorities. This air collision episode was the first of its kind in the China-U.S. relations and an urgent diplomatic crisis ensued.     

民警执法观念变革及其方法论的思考

推进执法观念变革确有必要;在我国的现实法治环境中,“硬着陆”是无法回避的必然选择;但同时又必须对若干负效应加以必要的警惕。通过加强制度法规体系建设,培育整个社会的民主法制氛围,解决基层公安机关的现实困难,执法观念革命的目标则能实现。     

Japanese policy and the North Korean ‘soft landing’

Abstract

The nature of security on the Korean Peninsula has undergone fundamental change in the post‐Cold War period, characterized by the growing recognition on the part of the major regional powers that there is a need for economic as well as military approaches to security and conflict avoidance. The chief manifestation of this trend is the emergence of the US Department of State's ‘soft landing’ and other engagement policies as attempts to resolve North Korean security threats. Some commentators have seen the soft‐landing policy as an opportunity for Japan to use its economic power to contribute to regional and international security. This article examines the evolution and rationale of the soft‐landing policy, how Japanese policy‐makers evaluate its potential as a solution to the North Korean security problem and the current extent of Japan's contribution to it. The article also points out the‐limitations of Japanese support for the soft landing due to international restrictions on the Japanese government's room for diplomatic manoeuvre, domestic political obstacles to engaging North Korea and the general lack of Japanese private business interest in the North. Finally the conclusion shows that, despite the recognition of the need to engage North Korea economically, Japanese policy‐makers have devoted their energies principally to the redefinition of the US‐Japan military alliance based on the legitimacy of the North Korean threat.     

Breaking the Surveillance Stalemate

正Thirteen years ago,a mid-air crash between a U.S.surveillance plane and a Chinese fighter jet off south China’s Hainan Island resulted in the disap-pearance and presumed death of the Chinese pilot.The American plane,severely damaged,was forced to make an emergency landing on the island.A diplomatic row ensued,and bilateral relations plunged to a low point.While the past decade has witnessed an across-the-board expansion in positive Sino-U.S.ties,risks of such     

关于宏观调控若干问题的思考

宏观调控既不等同于扩张,也不等同于紧缩,而是一个具有双重性的中性概念.宏观调控的立足点是为了发展,为了更好的发展.宏观调控也没有停止和结束的时候,只有依据治理波动情况之不同而有阶段性之分,有采取不同的措施和不同力度之分.1993年到2003年,中国经济进行过两轮正相反的宏观调控,都成功地对经济过热和经济偏冷进行了治理.自2003年下半年,中央开始实施新一轮宏观调控措施,2004年中央经济工作会议又明确提出了"双稳健"的宏观经济政策--稳健的财政政策和稳健的货币政策,表明我国的宏观调控全面转向"中性"政策.这是一种有保有压、有紧有缩、上下微调、松紧适度的政策,是松紧结合的组合式的宏观调控.我国目前经济增长率和物价上涨率都在正常区间,不存在什么"软着陆"的问题.     

印尼民主转型和民主化软着陆

本文讨论1998年以来印尼民主转型的进程,分析了民主化的成果以及为此而付出的代价.文章接着考察了印尼民主化过程中出现的对强人权威政权的怀念,对大选结果中反映出来的强人政治回归的现象进行了分析.最后,作者对印尼能否突破"民主--专制--再民主--再专制"的怪圈,实现民主化的软着陆提出了自己的见解.