Indian spies inside Pakistan: South Asian human intelligence across borders

This article examines India’s historical efforts to spy inside Pakistan from the mid-1960s to the early 1970s. It draws from memoirs of notable Indian spies who were jailed for espionage in Pakistan and spy ‘fiction’ written by former Indian intelligence and military officers who allege their writing is based on actual cases. The article highlights commonalities among Indian spies using the words of Indian officers to better understand human intelligence efforts inside Pakistan. It finds that Indian spies in these books have initially been Hindus or from multi-religious families, from the Indian-Pakistan border and have been poorly treated by the Indian government and its intelligence services.     

唤醒沉睡的马中关系（1970—1974年）：马中建交前马来西亚华人在社会与文化互动中的角色

本文借助多种资料与文献,分析了1970年到1974年间以李引桐和曾永森为代表的几位马来西亚华人以及一些马来西亚华人团体和个人的活动,试图探讨马来西亚华人怎样通过社会文化互动来促成马中建交。因此可见民间渠道或跨国社会文化互动与官方渠道是相辅相成的。社会和文化互动不仅唤醒了沉睡已久的马中关系,最后还迎来了两国政府和人民的双赢局面。     

茅盾与左翼都市叙事中的欲望表达

作为左翼都市叙事的范本,《子夜》的叙述焦点已不在个体的命运和精神历程,而是转向了有关中国社会的宏大叙事,它对都市生活中欲望的书写方式也相应地产生了一系列变异,非个人的集体成了都市叙述中的欲望主体。茅盾试图将以个人欲望为枢轴的都市叙事与揭示社会发展规律的历史叙事扭合在一起,达到一种综合。然而,在很多情形中,他的努力以失败告终。这两种不同类型的叙事无法重合,即便作者勉强将它们叠合成一体,不谐和的裂缝依旧随处可见。     

"教育使节"容闳和近代中国首批留学生的派遣

容闳是近代学西方的先驱之一,也是晚清最早派出的驻美副使.他的生平活动同太平天国、洋务运动、戊戍变法、辛亥革命都有联系.本文着重介绍他为派遣留学生和主要作为从事教育文化交流的外交人员所作出的努力.     

黄海勇案引渡程序研究(下)——以美洲人权法院黄海勇诉秘鲁案判决书为主要依据

黄海勇引渡案是新中国成立以来最为复杂的引渡案。该案不仅涉案金额巨大,犯罪嫌疑人滞留境外时间漫长,历经秘鲁地方法院、秘鲁最高法院、秘鲁宪法法院审判,而且被提交到美洲人权委员会和美洲人权法院,并由中国专家证人出庭作证。反思黄海勇案中的引渡程序,我们应当持之以恒地坚持境外追逃,及时化解对方对我国司法制度特别是死刑问题的误解,严格遵守对方法律提交引渡请求,全面提交案件材料并果断地作出外交承诺,如实向国际社会证明中国刑事法治的进步,妥善应对引渡中的程序性意外,正确处理在国外羁押期限折抵刑期的问题。展望黄海勇案,我们应当充分保障黄海勇的诉讼权利,全部兑现对秘鲁政府做出的承诺,实现对于黄海勇的公正判决,从而向世界证明中国刑事法治的发展与进步,提升中国的国际刑事法治形象,增强国际社会对于中国刑事法治的信心,实现我国境外追逃和国际引渡合作的良性循环。     

The Class Basis of Switzerland's Cleavage between the New Left and the Populist Right

This article argues that a full grown cleavage has surfaced in Swiss politics, separating a libertarian‐universalistic (the New Left) from a traditionalist‐communitarian camp (the Populist Right). Based on survey data of Switzerland's parliamentary election 2007, it examines the cleavage's micro‐foundations and shows that the class constituencies of the New Left (the Social‐Democratic and Green Parties) and the Populist Right (the Swiss People's Party) present the almost exact mirror image of each other. The former draws disproportionate support from the salaried middle class, notably socio‐cultural professionals, whereas the latter is rallied by small business owners, production and service workers. Although anchored in the employment structure, this divide is not primarily about the economy and resources, but about culture and identity. It thus strongly correlates with opposing cultural attitudes. While small business owners and workers prefer cultural demarcation and defend national traditions, salaried professionals strongly favour international integration and multi‐culturalism.     

右翼民粹主义崛起背景下再论英国的市场社会主义思潮--对话英国著名学者戴维·麦克莱伦教授北大核心SSCI

20多年前,“为了公共利益而以强有力的方式控制和调节市场”的市场社会主义曾在英国得到热烈的讨论。在当下经济全球化出现变局、新自由主义面临危机并向民粹主义转化的大背景下,再论市场社会主义,就具有了更深的理论内涵和更直接的实践批判价值。本文以与英国著名马克思主义研究者戴维·麦克莱伦的直接对话为基础,就英美新自由主义因放纵金融资本而自我否定的必然性、民粹主义的崛起及其困局、市场社会主义对英美等国的理论和实践价值等议题,评析了麦克莱伦教授的最新观点。