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81.
Chao Chen 《Labor History》2016,57(5):671-694
This work focuses on the Third Line workers, who were secretly located in the remote mountain areas and fully untapped in the studies of Chinese labor politics. In this study, I show that the Third Line workers mainly originate from three different groups: the transferred workers, the returned educated youths, and the demobilized soldiers. These three origins served as different labels signifying the characteristics that each group had in common. In the workers’ quotidian interactions, these labels were meaningfully and closely associated with the workers’ occupational opportunities in the factory and shape their mutual perceptions and attitudes toward one another. As a result, the high degree of isolation gradually shaped the social structure of the Third Line workers toward a model of ‘labeled clanization.’ In the light of this unique social structure, I further argue that the widely accepted organizational dependency of Chinese urban danwei system needs to be reconsidered.  相似文献   
82.
孙超  马明飞 《河北法学》2020,38(1):183-191
海洋命运共同体思想是人类命运共同体思想在海洋领域的细化,反映了国际海洋法的发展趋势和价值目标。它创造性的继承并发展了和而不同思想以及共同体思想,为全球海洋治理提供了新的价值指引。海洋命运共同体是共同体成员基于海洋共识和共同的海洋利益产生认同感和归属感,通过在海洋领域的共同合作形成的联合体,包括海洋政治、安全、经济、文化和生态命运共同体。中国在区域可以通过实施多边海洋行动,构建区域海洋命运共同体,实现区域合作关系的升级。海洋命运共同体是超越民族和国家的海洋观,中国在全球可以通过构建海上丝路命运共同体、提升国际制度性话语权和形成国际海洋法律新制度来践行海洋命运共同体思想。  相似文献   
83.
The decision to leave the EU provoked the biggest constitutional crisis of recent British history. The referendum—a device for circumventing the parliamentary process—was followed by conflict between a minority government and a majority of MPs unwilling to leave the EU without satisfactory alternative arrangements. The courts, drawn into this conflict, upheld conventions that sustain the authority of Parliament and restrain the despotic power of ministers. The reaction of members of the current government was to take disreputable and anti-democratic positions against both the Speaker of the House of Commons and the courts. They now have a sufficient majority in Parliament to resume adherence to constitutional conventions and restore a political culture of debate and tolerance, but they show little sign of doing so, and there is a risk that they will do irreparable damage to the political culture that underpins democracy.  相似文献   
84.
党的十八大以来,习近平同志反复强调:“中国共产党的领导是中国特色社会主义最本质的特 征。”“坚持党的领导”作为习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的重要内容之一,有着重要指导意义,为新 时代工运事业指明了方向。工会为什么要坚持党的领导,可以从理论、历史和现实三个视角加以考察分析;工 会怎样坚持党的领导,则需要辩证地处理好坚持党对工会的领导与工会独立自主地开展工作之间的关系,处理 好工会组织“公转”与“自转”的关系。  相似文献   
85.
Using the 2017 post-election German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), this article examines the voters for the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in the 2017 German federal election. We show that AfD voters in 2017 were truly ‘flesh of the same flesh’ of the mainstream German political parties, with the AfD drawing its voters from across the political party spectrum as well as from previous non-voters in 2013. In contrast to previous scholarship, we find that in most respects AfD voters in 2017 did not differ demographically from voters for all other parties, be that in terms of gender, education, employment status, and union membership. Furthermore, we find that AfD voters were not driven by anxiety about their own economic situation: they are no ‘losers of globalisation.’ Instead, AfD voters in 2017 were driven solely by two factors: their attitudes towards immigrants/refugees and anti-establishment sentiment/satisfaction with democracy in Germany.  相似文献   
86.
Using panel data and matching techniques, we exploit a rare change in communication flows—the endorsement switch to the Labour Party by several prominent British newspapers before the 1997 United Kingdom general election—to study the persuasive power of the news media. These unusual endorsement switches provide an opportunity to test for news media persuasion while avoiding methodological pitfalls that have plagued previous studies. By comparing readers of newspapers that switched endorsements to similar individuals who did not read these newspapers, we estimate that these papers persuaded a considerable share of their readers to vote for Labour. Depending on the statistical approach, the point estimates vary from about 10% to as high as 25% of readers. These findings provide rare evidence that the news media exert a powerful influence on mass political behavior.  相似文献   
87.
The intention of this analysis is to examine The Daily Show with Jon Stewart’s coverage of politics and assess the persuasive power of the program’s unique brand of humor. Evidence from a content analysis of The Daily Show’s “Indecision 2004” coverage of the Democratic and Republican Party Conventions shows the program’s humor was much harsher during the Republican Convention than it was during the Democratic Convention. While the humor in both conventions was heavily based on self-deprecation and the exploitation of conventional political stereotypes, the ridicule of Republicans focused much more on policy and character flaws. Humor pointed toward Democrats, on the other hand, tended to focus more on innocuous physical attributes. Analysis of panel data collected by the National Annenberg Election Survey during the 2004 national party conventions shows that exposure to The Daily Show’s convention coverage was associated with increased negativity toward President Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney. These relationships remain significant even when controlling for partisan identification and ideology. Attitudes toward the Democratic ticket, John Kerry and John Edwards remained consistent.  相似文献   
88.
89.
基于“两型社会”改革试点的高校作用刍议   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
"两型社会"体现了科学发展观的本质要求,旨在开拓一种全新的科学发展方式,打造一个全新的经济社会形态.武汉城市圈"两型社会"改革试点要把教育作为重要的依靠力量,并且作为重要的建设目标和战略重点来抓.只有切实有效地发挥高校"思想库"、"人才库"和"科技库"的作用,引领"两型社会"观念的转变,培养"两型社会"所需的预期人才,服务"两型社会"产业的发展,才能够避免走传统的工业化、城市化的老路,并率先探索出有全国示范意义和借鉴价值的新机制新体制.  相似文献   
90.
本文分别考察了位于政治谱系两端的民主社会主义和新保守主义的福利思想演变进程,认为在目前形势下,极端的福利思想很难迎合大众的需要,第三条道路在西方国家的兴起便是明证。但第三条道路并没有超越“左”、“右”,而是不同政治派别的相互妥协的产物。  相似文献   
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