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841.
Using the 2017 post-election German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), this article examines the voters for the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in the 2017 German federal election. We show that AfD voters in 2017 were truly ‘flesh of the same flesh’ of the mainstream German political parties, with the AfD drawing its voters from across the political party spectrum as well as from previous non-voters in 2013. In contrast to previous scholarship, we find that in most respects AfD voters in 2017 did not differ demographically from voters for all other parties, be that in terms of gender, education, employment status, and union membership. Furthermore, we find that AfD voters were not driven by anxiety about their own economic situation: they are no ‘losers of globalisation.’ Instead, AfD voters in 2017 were driven solely by two factors: their attitudes towards immigrants/refugees and anti-establishment sentiment/satisfaction with democracy in Germany. 相似文献
842.
Vaughn Mitchell John 《圆桌》2019,108(1):37-47
For most foreign nationals of African origin who lived in South Africa during 2008 and 2015, this period will be remembered with horror and fear. These were the years when South Africa’s growing culture of xenophobia matured into mass deadly violence. This violence has been widely reported in the press and is the subject of much scholarly engagement. The pre-migration life stories of many who take refuge in South Africa are laden with violence but such narratives are less well known and reported. The forces at home that propel migration are frequently excessively violent and traumatic. Once in South Africa, many migrants experience further violence and vulnerability in their places of refuge, as in 2008 and 2015. The violence fuelling migration and characterising refuge are thus tragic combinations of multiple forms of physical, symbolic and structural violence. In identifying repeated cycles of trauma, dehumanisation and vulnerability, this article discusses the pleas of migrants for better understanding, formal recognition and support from South African citizens and the government. Finally, the role of peace education, including healing interventions, for creating greater justice and harmony between foreign nationals and their host communities is discussed. 相似文献
843.
The purpose of the present study was to examine relations between adolescents’ social cognitions regarding parenting practices
and adolescents’ prosocial behavioral tendencies. A mediation model was tested whereby the degree to which adolescents perceived
their parents as responding appropriately to their prosocial and antisocial behaviors was hypothesized to predict adolescents’
tendencies toward prosocial behavior indirectly by way of adolescents’ prosocial values. Adolescents (N = 140; M age = 16.76 years, SD = .80; 64% girls; 91% European Americans) completed measures of prosocial values and of the appropriateness
with which they expected their parents to react to their prosocial and antisocial behaviors. In addition, teachers and parents
rated the adolescents’ tendencies for prosocial behaviors. A structural equation model test showed that the degree to which
adolescents expected their parents to respond appropriately to their prosocial behaviors was related positively to their prosocial
values, which in turn was positively associated with their tendencies to engage in prosocial behaviors (as reported by parents
and teachers). The findings provide evidence for the central role of adolescents’ evaluations and expectancies of parental
behaviors and of the role of values in predicting prosocial tendencies. Discussion focuses on the implications for moral socialization
theories and on the practical implications of these findings in understanding adolescents’ prosocial development. 相似文献
844.
Stephanie H. Parade Esther M. Leerkes A. Nayena Blankson 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(2):127-137
The current study examined the process by which attachment to parents influences satisfaction with and ease in forming friendships
at college. One hundred seventy-two female college freshmen completed a measure of parental attachment security the summer
before their first semester of college (July 2006) and measures to assess satisfaction with and ease in forming close relationships
at the end of their first semester (December 2006). Students ranged in age from 18 to 20 years (M = 18.09, SD = 0.33) and were diverse in their racial makeup (30% racial minority). Consistent with predictions derived from
attachment theory, secure attachment to parents was positively associated with ease in forming friendships among racial minority
and white participants and satisfaction with friendships among minority participants. Moreover, indirect effects of parental
attachment security on relationship outcomes through social anxiety were significant for minority participants but not for
white participants. Findings may be useful in the development of retention programs targeted at incoming university freshmen,
particularly minority students. 相似文献
845.
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849.
One must take country-specific institutional features into account when analyzing former communist countries’ transformation process to new political institutions. We do so for post-communist Albania, where the regional and cultural polarization that has existed for centuries has evolved to clientelism in the new democracy. We show how clientelistic parties give rise to very particular voting patterns. These reveal major differences across regions not only in party choice but also in voters’ responses to government policies. These responses depend on the party in government and on the region concerned. This is in sharp contrast with results obtained when applying the same model to a large number of more advanced democracies with similar electoral institutions. A proper evaluation of democratization in Albania thus requires looking beyond the formal institutions governing elections and taking clientelism and its effect on voter behavior into account. 相似文献
850.
A prominent change in American electoral institutions occurred when the 17th Amendment to the Constitution established direct election of U.S. Senators as of 1914. How did this change the political agency relationship between the mass electorate and U.S. Senators? We develop theoretical expectations about the representational effects of direct election by a relatively inexpert mass electorate and indirect election by a relatively expert political intermediary, based on principal‐agent theory. The chief predictions are that the representative will be more responsive to the mass electorate under direct election, but will also have more discretion to pursue his or her own ends. We use the 17th Amendment as a quasi‐experiment to test the predictions of the theory. Statistical models show strong support for both predictions. Moreover, the 17th Amendment is not associated with similar changes in the U.S. House of Representatives—as expected, since the amendment did not change House electoral institutions. 相似文献