全文获取类型
收费全文 | 872篇 |
免费 | 24篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 44篇 |
工人农民 | 23篇 |
世界政治 | 115篇 |
外交国际关系 | 43篇 |
法律 | 360篇 |
中国政治 | 5篇 |
政治理论 | 297篇 |
综合类 | 9篇 |
出版年
2019年 | 9篇 |
2018年 | 15篇 |
2017年 | 21篇 |
2016年 | 23篇 |
2015年 | 22篇 |
2014年 | 27篇 |
2013年 | 128篇 |
2012年 | 23篇 |
2011年 | 17篇 |
2010年 | 18篇 |
2009年 | 30篇 |
2008年 | 27篇 |
2007年 | 31篇 |
2006年 | 18篇 |
2005年 | 21篇 |
2004年 | 12篇 |
2003年 | 19篇 |
2002年 | 27篇 |
2001年 | 20篇 |
2000年 | 16篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 11篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 12篇 |
1995年 | 18篇 |
1994年 | 19篇 |
1993年 | 20篇 |
1992年 | 15篇 |
1991年 | 19篇 |
1990年 | 10篇 |
1989年 | 16篇 |
1988年 | 19篇 |
1987年 | 18篇 |
1986年 | 10篇 |
1985年 | 16篇 |
1984年 | 16篇 |
1983年 | 8篇 |
1982年 | 11篇 |
1981年 | 8篇 |
1980年 | 6篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1976年 | 9篇 |
1975年 | 12篇 |
1974年 | 8篇 |
1973年 | 6篇 |
1972年 | 6篇 |
1971年 | 5篇 |
1970年 | 7篇 |
1969年 | 6篇 |
1965年 | 5篇 |
排序方式: 共有896条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
141.
Christopher D. Raymond 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2021,40(1):100-116
With countries like Chile facing secularisation, some research predicts religious-secular cleavages will ‘dealign’, while other research suggests these cleavages will persist so long as religious-secular divisions are reflected among presidential candidates. Using surveys of first-round voting intentions in the five most recent presidential elections in Chile, the analysis shows that religious-secular divisions in voting appear when candidates are divided clearly along religious-secular lines (and not when divisions among candidates are blurred). These findings suggest researchers need to account for the impact candidates' positions have on the appearance of religious-secular divisions before declaring that dealignment has occurred. 相似文献
142.
ABSTRACT This article critically examines the account of collective self-determination and state legitimacy developed by Stilz in her book. Central to this account is the idea that for a state to be legitimate it must reflect the shared will of the people over which it governs. I argue that the normative taxonomy Stilz employs to develop this criterion of legitimacy ignores the possibility of conditional cooperators: groups who are alienated from society due to the injustices they experience but are willing to affirm their participation in state institutions if these injustices are rectified. I then demonstrate that since there are no grounds for discounting the dissent of conditional cooperators, their presence significantly increases the threshold for state legitimacy that follows from Stilz’s theory. As a result, Stilz is forced to abandon her claim that basically just states generally enjoy a qualified ‘right to do wrong’. 相似文献
143.
Arthur Waldron 《Asia-Pacific Review》2016,23(2):60-85
We may expect regional response to the tension and conflict in Asia begun by China in 2009 gradually to transform the international order in that region, where the United States has been the active great power. Today the United States is so overextended in commitments and so lacking in force structure (and political will) that she can no longer play that role. Nor, however, has China succeeded in her initial assumption that regional powers would defer to her vastly increased military power. Unless China finds a way to extricate herself, we may expect regional powers, each strengthening herself, to grow closer together as a group in which Tokyo plays an unaccustomed central role, both in diplomacy and arms supply, although in coordination with the United States. North Korea is also highly dangerous. The likely outcome is greater military strength generally, with South Korea and Japan nuclear powers. 相似文献
144.
Longitudinal research has seriously challenged assumptions that juvenile sex offenders (JSO) are characterized by high level of dangerousness, mental health problems, and crime specialization in sex offenses. The current study examines the longitudinal pattern of offending among a sample of JSO and a sample of juvenile nonsex offenders. The research design includes longitudinal data over a nine-year period allowing the examination of offending patterns and the crime mix from age 12 to age 23. The findings highlight that, while JSO are prone to persist offending in adulthood, there is limited continuity of sex offending. Further, the findings stress the importance of taking into account nonsexual juvenile delinquency, more specifically, youth violence, to make a better assessment of early adult offending outcomes of JSO. 相似文献
145.
Without a defendant’s appearance in court, the adjudication of criminal charges cannot proceed. The low defendant court appearance rates of Lafayette Parish, Louisiana were identified as a high priority to address. A pilot project was implemented, in which, Lafayette Parish Sheriff’s Office (LPSO) Information Officers would call defendants approximately 5–9 days before their pretrial court appearance. This process began in September 2014. LPSO staff attempted to call all non-incarcerated or diverted defendants with known contact information. LPSO staff documented when calls were made and the type of response (spoke to defendant, left a voicemail, no answer, inoperable phone or spoke to friend or family member). Calls were made to defendants with court appearances in arraignment hearings, misdemeanor pretrial and trial, felony pretrial and traffic court. Court appearance rates for all court hearings increased from 48 to 62%. 相似文献
146.
Abstract. Modern democracy requires delegation. One problem with delegation is that principals and agents often have conflicting interests. A second problem is that principals lack information about their agents. Many scholars conclude that these problems cause delegation to become abdication. We reject this conclusion and introduce a theory of delegation that supports a different conclusion. The theory clarifies when interest conflicts and information problems do (and do not) turn delegation into abdication. We conclude by arguing that remedies for common delegation problems can be embedded in the design of electoral, legislative, and bureaucratic institutions. The culmination of our efforts is a simple, but general, statement about when citizens and legislators can (and cannot) control their agents. 相似文献
147.
148.
Democracy and dictatorship revisited 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
We address the strengths and weaknesses of the main available measures of political regime and extend the dichotomous regime classification first introduced in Alvarez et al. (Stud. Comp. Int. Dev. 31(2):3–36, 1996). This extension focuses on how incumbents are removed from office. We argue that differences across regime measures must be taken seriously and that they should be evaluated in terms of whether they (1) serve to address important research questions, (2) can be interpreted meaningfully, and (3) are reproducible. We argue that existing measures of democracy are not interchangeable and that the choice of measure should be guided by its theoretical and empirical underpinnings. We show that the choice of regime measure matters by replicating studies published in leading journals. 相似文献
149.
Arthur A. Berger 《Society》2010,47(1):6-10
This paper argues that it is impossible to know why we laugh. There are a number of theories that attempt to explain why we
laugh but they all have limitations. It is possible, however, to know what makes us laugh and 45 techniques that inform humor
are listed and used to analyze a number of humorous texts. These techniques can also be used to study the humor of different
nations to determine which they favor and which they neglect, thus offering insights into national character. 相似文献
150.
Role-playing simulations are frequently claimed to be effective pedagogical tools in the teaching of international relations (IR); however, there is a surprising lack of empirical evidence on their classroom utility. The assessment of simulations remains mostly anecdotal, and some recent research has found little to no statistically significant improvements in quantitative measures of academic performance among students who participated in them [for example, International Studies Perspectives (2006), vol. 7, pp. 395; International Studies Perspectives (2008), vol. 9, pp. 75–89]. Scant research has been conducted on how role-playing simulations might affect students' perceptions of the instructor's teaching. This paper investigates whether a simulation had statistically significant effect on students' exam scores in an IR course or on student teaching evaluation scores. 相似文献