劳动争议处理之我见

近年来,我国的劳动争议案件逐年增多,且呈现复杂化、群体化、涉外化等趋势.我国政府为了实现社会公正,走上了通过扩大劳动者个人的权利来解决劳动争议的路子,致使劳动者、企业单位、工会、行政权力以及法院在处理劳动争议过程中的职能、地位发生扭曲.所以必须关注并完善劳资双方的信用关系、工会的职能与地位、行政权力在劳动争议处理中的地位和权威、法院最后的司法救济,从深层次解决原来的处理体制"用其所短"的弊端,实现劳资关系的和谐.     

从中国与新西兰《劳动合作谅解备忘录》看国际贸易与国际劳工标准问题

随着全球化与贸易自由化的发展,全球地区与双边自由贸易协议中附带劳工标准的协议内容在逐渐增加.中国加入世界贸易组织前后反对将贸易与劳工标准挂钩,但在中国与新西兰2008年4月签署的双边自由贸易协定中却附加了<劳动合作谅解备忘录>,由此表明中国在面对人世后市场经济地位、劳工权益保护等问题都不可能避开劳工标准的问题,寻找共同的基点和解决方案是今后相当长的时间内各国普遍关注的问题.     

《社会保险法(草案)》存在问题研究

《社会保险法(草案)》存在一些亟需解决的重要问题:立法宗旨和基本原则不清晰,适用范围较窄,政府作用不具体,工会作用不突出和立法技术不科学等。在完善社会保险立法的过程中,应坚持公平正义、互助共济、安全稳定的社会保险立法理念,充分发挥工会在社会保险立法中的优势作用,加快社会保险立法一体化,促进我国社会保险法与国际接轨。     

劳动关系研究英美模式比较——形成的回顾与20世纪80年代后的变化

美国和英国是劳动关系理论发源地,也是对劳动关系理论发展做出重大贡献的国家。他们为劳动关系研究提供了最基本的研究范式。由于两个国家工业化的道路不同,工会运动发展的路径不同,两国劳动关系的研究在研究范围、研究方法、学者和学科来源以及构成上都存在一定差异。     

由建设社会主义新农村看"农民工"权益保障

党的十六届五中全会提出了建设社会主义新农村的重大历史任务,这不仅是解决"三农"问题的重大战略举措,而且是一项惠及广大农民的民心工程.作为从农民中剥离出来的农民工是城市化发展的必然结果也是建设社会主义新农村的必然要求,然而面对农民工的权利伤害对建设社会主义新农村构成了一个障碍,因此有必要采取相关对策以实现建设社会主义新农村的终极目的.     

基层民警应正确处理好"三种关系"做贯彻落实"两个最大限度"的践行者

公安工作的一个显著特点就是与人打交道,从一定意义上说,就是处理人与人之间关系的工作。因此,要遵照公安部提出的,在公安工作中要"最大限度地增加和谐因素,最大限度地减少不和谐因素"。要求特别是基层民警应紧紧抓住"三基"工程建设的大好机遇,正确处理好三种关系,把"两个最大限度"的要求落实到实处,以实际行动促进社会的和谐稳定,激发社会的创造力。     

安倍政府印太战略及中国的应对

安倍政府印太战略的形成有一个逐步演进和明确化的过程,基本成型于安倍政府宣示的“自由与开放的印太”战略构想,背景是其“亚太战略”受挫、印度洋地缘板块抬升、中美战略态势更新等。其战略的主要目标有三：政治层面上维持西方主导的国际规则和地区秩序;经济上确保日本利益,对冲中国“一带一路”倡议;安全上主要是保障海洋秩序和海上通道自由,制约中国的实力拓展。实施办法则是以日、美、澳、印间的双多边合作为平台,综合采取政治、经济及安全等各种举措。安倍政府通过深耕日印、引美入“群”、补齐多边、宣介推广来促进其印太战略,态度在相关四国中积极而突出。日本推动印太战略创新面临挑战与不确定性,中国对此应加大引领、趋利避害,塑造有利于中国新时代发展所需的良好环境。     

South Korean views on Japan's constitutional reform under the Abe government

In this Special Section, this article reviews South Korean views on Japan's ‘peace’ Constitution and the Abe government's attempts at constitutional reform. It identifies three different understandings among South Korean academics on why Japan is escalating attempts to revise the Constitution under the Abe government. An in-depth analysis demonstrates that all three perspectives pay specific attention to Japan's constitutional reform in relation to security policy changes. However, they differ in assessing the impact of Japan's constitutional reform on South Korea as well as how South Korea should deal with such a change. A minority opinion considers Japan's ‘remilitarisation’ through constitutional revision as conducive to South Korean security interests by increasing deterrence against North Korea, whereas the dominant opinion is that any attempt to revise the Constitution could be in and of itself a potential threat to South Korea's security due to a lack of trust attributed to unresolved historical conflicts between Korea and Japan. However, all three approaches pay hardly any attention to the positive role of Japan's peace Constitution while Japan's peace Constitution might provide a regional peace model in Northeast Asia.     

The mysterious overvaluation of KRW in the 1990s†

Existing theories on real exchange rates predict a significant undervaluation of the Korean won (KRW) in the early and mid-1990s. The paper demonstrates why this expectation did not materialize and instead an unprecedentedly large degree of overvaluation took place. Focusing on three variables, namely, financial repression, devaluation pass-through, and policy exhibitionism, the paper examines how the unraveling of the developmental state eventually gave rise to the 1990s’ overvaluation. It argues that the policy exhibitionism of the new civilian government amplified the influence of Chaebol on monetary policies, which in turn created a strong appreciative force to KRW. It also contends that the increasing exchange rate pass-through onto the prices of imported intermediate goods explains why Chaebol did not desire to tame the excessive appreciative trend despite its detrimental effect on their exports. The paper offers policy implications for other state-led, emerging economies.     

Poland's conception of European security and Russia

This article examines the problem of contemporary bilateral relations between Poland and Russia. Its thesis largely attributes the rivalry of these two states in Eastern Europe to conceptions relating to the balancing and bandwagoning of power. This rivalry can be put down to the fact that Polish-Russian relations are being developed within broader global processes such as Russia's relations with NATO, the USA and European Union. The greatest obstacle to the maintenance of mutually beneficial relations is the sensitive issue of security. In recent years Poland has consistently underlined its willingness to reinforce NATO's mutual defense mechanisms by supporting the organization's continued presence in Central-Eastern Europe. This issue has been compounded by Poland's striving to bring the countries of Eastern Europe (especially Ukraine) into closer affiliation with Western institutions favoring European integration, which is evidently perceived as interference in what is regarded by Moscow to be a sphere of Russian influence. This has provoked a number of serious crises in bilateral relations between Poland and Russia since the Euro-Maidan Revolution in Ukraine. Russian plans to install new (Iskander) missile systems close to the Polish border and Poland's effective attempts post-2014 to extend NATO presence within its own country testify to the scale of conflicts of interest between the two states and the lack of trust afforded by both sides. The issues highlighted in this paper are of great importance, since they not only enable the complexity of Central European issues to be more fully comprehended but also help to elucidate other global actors' conceptions relating to cooperation with Europe.