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951.
952.
侵害债权制度法律性质考察 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
债的相对性原则对保护个人自由的作用卓有成效。但随着人类社会化程度提高,相互依赖性增强,限制个人自由滥用的客观要求日益迫切。为顺应上述社会需要,应突破债的相对性原则,建立侵害债权制度。基于传统债法理论的一些观点没有且无法真正反映该制度的本质,债权物权化理论才是解释该制度唯一可行的观点。 相似文献
953.
习近平法治思想对新发展阶段全面依法治国作了重大部署,强调提高国家制度竞争力,以"中国之制"支撑"中国之治"。高质量制度体系是坚持和完善中国特色社会主义制度的重要举措;是遵循制度建设规律、持续保持制度显著优势的必然要求;是满足人民新时代需求、全面实现国家治理现代化的可靠路径;是凝聚改革发展共识、稳步推进现代化强国建设进程的坚强保障。应当准确界定高质量制度体系的内涵、确定其实质与形式评价标准,并在中国特色制度逻辑框架内,提出建设高质量制度体系的具体构想:坚持党的集中统一领导与尊重人民群众的首创精神的统一;坚持问题导向、目标导向和结果导向的统一;尊重制度建设的规律性与民主性的统一;坚持类型化与协调性的辩证统一;坚持制度的评估机制与自我调节机制的统一;坚持制度的稳定性与创新性的统一。 相似文献
954.
计算机侵入禁止源自于传统的侵入禁止规范。在大数据、云计算、cookies技术的背景下,该罪构成要件要素的"访问",应采最广义的发送信息说,主要应由"未经授权"限制该禁止规范。由于互联网协议已明确规定网络具有开放性,所以,计算机同意通常等同于机主同意。当计算机不使用公共域名或者使用第三方软件为用户访问设置了现实障碍时,被告人使用第三方软件或者规避认证制度而进行的访问,会被视为是事实欺诈,计算机同意因有别于机主同意而无效,行为构成未经授权的访问。越权访问实际上是违约行为,即使其构成欺诈,但由于计算机产生认识错误的对象通常并非是访问行为本身,而是其回报或者意义,所以,被害人同意仍然有效。这也是刑法原则上不干预违约行为的规范原因。然而,当违约行为违反预期功能、义务冲突和合理预期等标准,而动摇了同意的基础时,则会使其由诱因欺诈变成事实欺诈,被害人同意无效,行为通常会构成犯罪。 相似文献
955.
习近平法治思想的生态文明法治理论是指导我国新时期生态文明建设与中国特色社会主义法治建设的行动指南。马克思主义生态观和法治观、中华传统生态智慧与法制理念以及可持续发展理念,为生态文明法治理论提洪了思想根基、本土资源与全球视野,并为生态文明法治理论继承和发展。生态文明法治理论的发展经历了产生阶段、发展阶段和成熟阶段。推进生态文明法治实践,应以法治国家建设推动生态文明法治的顶层设计,以法治政府建设完善生态文明法治的体制机制,以法治社会建设保障生态文明法治的社会基础,这也是践行习近平法治思想的生态文明法治理论的内在要求。 相似文献
956.
Craig Bennell Geoffrey Alpert Judith P. Andersen Joseph Arpaia Juha-Matti Huhta Kimberly B. Kahn Ariane-Jade Khanizadeh Molly McCarthy Kyle McLean Renée J. Mitchell Arne Nieuwenhuys Adam Palmer Michael D. White 《Legal and Criminological Psychology》2021,26(2):121-144
Leading police scholars and practitioners were asked to reflect on the most urgent issues that need to be addressed on the topic of use of force. Four themes emerged from their contributions: use of force and de-escalation training needs to improve and be evaluated; new ways of conceptualizing use of force encounters and better use of force response models need to be developed; the inequitable application of force, and how to remediate biases, needs to be more fully understood; and misconceptions about police use of force need to be identified and corrected. The highlighted topics serve as an agenda for future research. Such research should provide greater insight into when, where, and why force is used by police officers, and how it can be applied appropriately. If implemented, the practical recommendations included in the contributions should have a positive impact on police performance, public trust and confidence in the police, and citizen and officer safety. 相似文献
957.
公安部发布了修订后的《公安机关人民警察训练条令》,对公安培训工作提出了新要求。面对公安培训工作存在问题,紧紧围绕“四项建设”,创新教育培训理念、创新培训训练形式、创新培训教官团队建设、创新培训激励机制和考试考核体系、创新教育培训实战成果转化就成为提高培训质量的必由之路。 相似文献
958.
Susi Meret 《Patterns of Prejudice》2015,49(1-2):81-102
ABSTRACTResearch on the leaderships and electorates of populist right-wing parties emphasizes that most of these parties are charismatic and male-dominated, both as regards their leaderships and their voters. However, while studies about the gender gap focus mainly on demand-side factors, such as electoral support, socio-economic characteristics and the voters’ attitudes towards issues such as immigration, those that analyse the role and position of gender issues are still rare. Similarly, or even more, overlooked is an analysis of the rhetoric, style, charisma and discourse of populist female leaders, such as those representative of two now well-established Scandinavian populist right-wing parties: the Dansk Folkeparti (DF, Danish People’s Party) and Norway’s Fremskrittspartiet (FrP, Progress Party). Both parties have long been led by women although Pia Kjærsgaard of the DF recently stepped down, leaving the party leadership to Kristian Thulesen Dahl, a man of the younger generation of party members; Siv Jensen in Norway smoothly followed the long-term and charismatic leadership of Carl I. Hagen in 2006. The main focus of the paper, however, is on Pia Kjærsgaard, discussing the role gender plays in relation to her style, rhetoric and/or discursive strategies, but also in the gendered constructions featured in the Danish mainstream media. In the article, Meret also refers to the case of Marine Le Pen and the Front national (FN) in order to consider whether the Nordic cases represent a specific framework for female leadership, highly influenced by context and opportunity. 相似文献
959.
Alberto Abadie Alexis Diamond Jens Hainmueller 《American journal of political science》2015,59(2):495-510
In recent years, a widespread consensus has emerged about the necessity of establishing bridges between quantitative and qualitative approaches to empirical research in political science. In this article, we discuss the use of the synthetic control method as a way to bridge the quantitative/qualitative divide in comparative politics. The synthetic control method provides a systematic way to choose comparison units in comparative case studies. This systematization opens the door to precise quantitative inference in small‐sample comparative studies, without precluding the application of qualitative approaches. Borrowing the expression from Sidney Tarrow, the synthetic control method allows researchers to put “qualitative flesh on quantitative bones.” We illustrate the main ideas behind the synthetic control method by estimating the economic impact of the 1990 German reunification on West Germany. 相似文献
960.
On Trojan Horses and revolving doors: Assessing the autonomy of national officials in the European Commission
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National officials working in international bureaucracies regularly invoke the fear that member states strategically use such officials for influencing decision making and agenda‐setting to their advantage. This article theoretically analyses conditions under which the autonomy of national civil servants in international bureaucracies might become compromised. The ensuing predictions are then tested using a unique survey among seconded national experts (SNEs) in the European Commission (N ≈ 400). Finally, evaluating the characteristics linked to reduced autonomy among SNEs in the Commission, the article illustrates that these officials are, in practice, likely to be relatively independent from member state influence. 相似文献